Abstracts

[006] Presentation “Labor in Germany”, Volker Stöckel:
This presentation deals with the scientific analysis of the production factor labor and its importance for the economy. It will be shown easily and in plain words by mathematical methods which actual relevance the factor labor has for the German economy. The methods applied are recognized internationally and are also used by the German Council of Economic Advisors for the same purpose. Its breathtaking results massively challenge the fetish of labor still prevalent today. The presentation will last for 30 minutes and leaves ample time for subsequent discussions. As an example this short film clip http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pRhPLwXstp0.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[007] artwork about music and oeconomy, Volcker Stöckel, Osnabruck, Germany
A short film shows the foolishness of the workhouse-policy in an example by a symphonieorchestra. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hj1AFktJviI.


[012] Abstracts
An abstract is a short description of a contribution to the congress with a length of no more that 300 words. For each contribution, there is an abstract in English.


[021] From Incentive Effect to Amount of Payment – on the Factual Issues of the Basic Income, Marc de BASQUIAT, Dr., Versailles, France
Starting from a detailed analysis of the French redistribution system, I propose an alternative based upon basic income + flat tax + uniform tax on assets. The study uses a powerful microsimulation of the current and proposed systems to analyze the micro and macro-economical consequences. We offer an update and extension of the Bourguignon and Chiappori (1998) reference document. These authors have shown that the French redistributive system is complex, inflexible, inefficient, not much redistributive and heavily biased against labor income as compared with savings and heritage.
We show how the concept of basic income, combined with a flat tax on all income, a uniform tax on assets and additional compassionate services, defines a redistributive set with opposite characteristics.
The complexity gives way to a universal allowance paid to all regular residents, which vary only by age, 340 euro a month for adults, 192 euro for children (amounts calculated for 2010, indexed on the evolution of GDP), financed by the levy of 18% of the total revenues. A tax on net assets (1% on all assets net of debt) replaces all of the taxation of wealth and its transmission.
We use and adapt the microsimulation tool developed by Landais, Piketty, Saez (2011) to compare the distributional effects of the current system to those of our proposal, with an unprecedented level of accuracy for this type of proposal.
In total, the redistributive features analyzed by deciles, percentiles and thousandth of income are close. The main differences open a discussion on the fairness of the current system, particularly with respect to the tax burden on labor and the highest wealth.


[029] Global Resource Bank - GRB converts fiat money to GRB ecocredit, John Pozzi, Hallandale, Fl., United States
Everyone owns one share in GRB, shareholders value Earth's current wealth of ecoproduct at six quadrillion ecocredits that have the buying power of Federal Reserve notes. GRB converts the dollar account of everyone's assets to ecocredit. The GRB reserve account provides shareholder accounts with forty ecocredits a day for twenty years. Five hundred trillion ecocredits goes to the GRB network account and seven hundred trillion is invested in ecosystems. The GRB income account receives ecocredit from an ecosystem impact charge on shareholder and commercial accounts and exchanges ecocredit with the reserve account to maintain equilibrium. Five percent of GRB income goes to the network account and forty ecocredits a day goes to fully funded shareholder accounts. Shareholders invest ten percent of their GRB income in ecosystems. Earth's wealth of ecoproduct and GRB income distribution adjusts to shareholders feedback. After one year of inactivity accounts revert to the reserve. The manager is chosen by majority.
- John Pozzi www.grb.net


[033] Hopes and Realities of Adopting BIG: International Political Experiences, Richard Caputo, PhD, professor, Wurzweiler School of Social Work Yeshiva University, New York, NY, USA
This panel will bring together scholars and activists to discuss hopes and realities of adopting basic income guarantee schemes over the past several decades in select OECD countries. Panel members are contributions to the forthcoming book, Richard K Caputo (Ed.), Basic Income Guarantee and Politics: International Experiences and Perspectives on the Viability of Income Guarantee (Palgrave). Panellists will include Jurgen De Wispelaere who will present a theoretical overview of relevant issues based on his co-authored (with José A. Noguera) book chapter, “On the political feasibility of a universal basic income.” Wispelaere and Noguera’s typology of political feasibility identifies retrospective and prospective constraints and compares them along lines of discreet and diffuse agency. Each of the following panellists will examine the political evolution of basic income schemes in their respective countries in light of strategic, institutional, psychological, and behavioural feasibility as gleaned from Wispelaere and Noguera’s typology: James Mulvale (Associate Professor in the Faculty of Social Work at the University of Regina) & Yannick Vanderborght (Professor and Director, Research Centre in Political Science, the Facultés universitaires Saint-Louis (Brussels) on Canada; Malcolm Torry (Director of the Citizen’s Income Trust and a Visiting Senior Fellow in the Social Policy Department at the London School of Economics) on the UK; Pablo Yanes (General Director of the Social Development Evaluation Council of Mexico City) on Mexico; Sascha Lieberman (Sociologist, Activist) on Germany; and Richard Caputo (Professor, Wurzweiler School of Social Work, Yeshiva University, NYC) on the U.S. In addition, Guy Standing (Professor of Economic Security at the University of Bath ) will discuss the political feasibility of adopting a basic income guarantee in light of his experiences of BIG pilot projects in Namibia and elsewhere.


[034] Climate Change Prevention and Food Security, Andre Presse, Dr., Karlsruhe, Germany
Constraints and Operating Levels in International Climate Change Prevention.
There are three major constraints for international climate protection:
1.) The emission of greenhouse gases is to be limited globally.
2.) The emission absorption capacity of the atmosphere as a “resource” must be used efficiently. Therefore, the resource should possess a global price.
3.) A world-wide per-capita solution is required, as agreed by German Chancellor Merkel and Indians Prime Minister Singh in 2007. Countries like China and India, whose participation is vital for climate change prevention, could otherwise not agree to join, as their economic growth does not allow them to reduce emissions compared to 1990 (Kyoto).
An approach from Institutional Economists (3-Level-Model):
1 Level (Sufficiency):
Determining the maximum allowed level of global emissions (per annum) as a limitation (“Cap”).
2 Level (Efficiency):
Globally auctioning off the permitted volume determined on level one. Input orientation: Since the amount of CO2 for each combusted car¬bon molecule is known, sellers of carbon (e. g. contained in oil and coal) must purchase an equivalent amount of emission rights (EISENBEISS 2008).
3 Level (Equivalence):
The proceeds from level two are paid out per capita globally – for instance by a UN body.


[041] The implementation problem of universal basic income (UBI) in ideal types of welfare state regimes, Urban Boljka, Dr., Ljubljana, Slovenia
The paper addresses the implementation problem of UBI with focus on ideal types of the welfare state regimes. The implementation problem is addressed with the aid of a theoretical model which assesses the socio-political potential of the ideal form of UBI. The model is based on the examination of the theory of distributive justice of real libertarianism – where the demand for UBI finds its rationale – from the perspective of various traditions of citizenship (i.e. libertarianism, communitarianism, social liberalism, egalitarian republicanism and egalitarian liberalism). With their distinctive interpretations of social justice, traditions of citizenship constitute a framework of values and norms which form the ideal types of the welfare state regimes and restrict the legitimacy of social policies within them. The framework of values and norms set by real libertarianism is therefore seen as a starting point for understanding the implementation problem of the ideal version of UBI. The socio-political potential of UBI in different types of welfare state regimes is examined through the identification of two obstacles: path dependency on the macro level, and the distribution of power in the public political sphere on the mezzo social level. The first obstacle is the inability of welfare states to adapt to a broader social and economic context which would be separated from the cultural, historical and value-based framework of a particular ideal type of the welfare regime. The definition of the second obstacle relies on an analysis of the power of different public policy actors. A particularly enduring phenomenon in this respect is the non-translation of concerns (most notably the core position of the work ethic within the designs of social policies) addressed by UBI into socially relevant issues, and their subsequent omission from the political agenda.


[047] Presentation “Chances and risks on the way to basic income in Germany – a political examination”, Ronald Blaschke
Based on the social and political situation in Germany, opportunities but also risks on the way to basic income will be presented and discussed.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[049] THE BOLSA FAMÍLIA AND THE SOCIAL PROTECTION IN BRAZIL: problematizing the conditionalities as limits for implementation of the Citizenship Basic Income, Maria Ozanira da Silva e Silva, Dr., São Luís, Brazil
The Bolsa Família is the mayor income transfer program under implementation in Brazil. It has as target population poor and extremely poor families, being central in the Social Protection System. It was created in October, 2003, as an intersectoral policy. Its’ objectives are: to combat hunger, poverty and inequalities by a monetary transfer associated with the warranty of access to basic social rights; to promote social inclusion contributing for the emancipation of the beneficiary families. The families can use the received money as they want and they can remain in the Program while they met the eligible criterions and if they also meet some conditionalities, such as: maintenance of the children and adolescents from 7 to 17 years of age at school; regular health care attendance of the children from 0 to 6 years of age, as well as the attendance of the pregnant women to prenatal exams. Besides the monetary transfer, the Program includes the necessity of the members of the beneficiary families participate in some complementary actions mainly in the field of education, health and employment. In December, 2011, the Bolsa Família met 13.352.306 poor families. The expended budget in 2011 was R$ 17.323.412.921,60. Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, the Brazilian president (2003-2010), sanctioned the Law 10.835/2004 in January, 2004. This law created the Citizenship Basic Income that assures an equal income monetary transfer to all Brazilian citizens resident in the country and the foreign people who live in Brazil for at least five years, without considering social and economical situation. The Citizenship Basic Income could be implemented step by step, decided by the Executive Power, having the poorest population as priority. The Bolsa Família is the first step in this process. Even the Bolsa Família being developed in all the 5.564 Brazilian municipalities and in Brasilia, the Federal District, and be considered a well focalized program on the poor families, the maintenance of the cited conditionalities can be problematized as limits to implement the approved Citizenship Basic Income in Brazil. So, the proposal is to present and discuss the limits of the conditionalities to implement a Basic Income Program in Brazil. The following questions are proposed for discussion: What are the foundation and conceptions that orient the conditionalities adapted by the Bolsa Familia? Which are the perspectives of a citizenship basic income implementation in Brazil taking the Bolsa Família program as the first step?


[054] Presentation “ECI – UBI – democracy”, Klaus Sambor
After a short description and review of the new “instrument” of a European Citizen’s Initiative (ECI), its concrete application to the unconditional basic income will be discussed. Afterwards, important paragraphs of the Citizen’s Initiative pertaining to its introduction in Europe as well as the workshop analyzing this text in detail will be pointed out.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[055] Workshop “ECI – UBI”, Klaus Sambor
After a short review of the prior presentation “ECI – UBI democracy”, the text of the European Citizen’s Initiative will be discussed in detail as well as the campaign just started. It deals with the question how to mobilize the basic income movement. Furthermore, we shall discuss concrete active participation of the participants of this workshop.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[056] Workshop “ECI and democracy”, Klaus Sambor
At this democracy theme, the example of the European Citizen’s Initiative will be reviewed and its current deficits pointed out. Its further development to the point of an EU referendum and its “extension of scope” (beyond the present framework of the EU Treaty) will be discussed. Finally, the presentation “ECI – UBI democracy” will be referred to.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[061] Workshop “The (non–monetary) UBI as way out of the capitalistic crisis”, Georg Frigger, Doris Meisterernst, Dagmar Paternoga, Werner Rätz (Attac Germany, workshop ‚Enough for all‘)
In capitalism, social wealth is present in two forms, as a concrete helpful product, which can be utilized and satisfies needs, and as a purely quantitative amount of money. Needs may increase, but are basically final. From this angle, growth has not only ecological but also economical limits. Expressed in monetary terms, wealth seems to be able to grow indefinitely like any sequence of numbers. During a crisis, it becomes apparent that, first of all, it is a matter of increasing financial demands.
In order to redeem them, some population groups have to pay, as happens with the debt trap for the countries of the south or the decrease of the wage ratio in the industrialized countries. And for it, non-capitalistic forms of wealth have to be transformed into capital, as occurs for example with the capitalization of natural resources or the privatization of public property.
The finality of needs acts as objective limit for the infinity of demands. Thus, the real accumulation of capital has been pushing this boundary for decades. Also the UBI does not lead out of this crisis, but as monetary sum onto the capitalistic market. Therefore, we support the UBI primarily as a demand for orientation, not as a stimulus package. This would alleviate the pressure of having to sell one’s manpower, which is the requirement for the necessary discussions about rebuilding society. In order to imagine a self-determined development, people should be able to conduct the necessary discussions and the possibly experimental searching steps without material existential angst.
Converting our economic activities to the concrete forms of wealth, to our needs and away from the purely abstract monetary demand is a matter of necessity. A public infrastructure, at no charge for users, a comprehensive health insurance for all according to the principle of fulfillment of demand, prospectively also living or mobility free of charge could be steps in such a direction. They would act as a non-monetary UBI.
In the workshop we should rather discuss the practical steps instead of the theoretical ones for such a strategy.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[063] Ways to basic income, Robert Reischer:
1. Thesis: Impulse, discussion, possibly small groups
Profit-oriented capitalism rests on the freely available columns
• Human labor force, knowledge and capability
• Natural resources, water, air, energy
• Land, property and fertility
The liberation from the pressure of gainful employment by decoupling gainful employment from securing one’s livelihood deprives the first column of unlimited usability. It thus changes also the second column (use of natural resources) and the third (submission of the planets under the dictates of profit maximization and productivity increase).
Repercussions on environmental pollution, throw-away-society and ruthless competition are to be expected and need a target-oriented control. Peripheral zones could profit because small businesses and communities create advantages.
2. Strategy Impulse, PPP models, discussion possibly small groups
The bridge from the Here and Now to the desired future means primarily analyzing the status quo.
a) To understand the Here and Now monetary system, to try it out playfully, to understand terms like national product, taxes, sales, profit etc. Cash flows conform to the logic of a market whose rules are not questioned: e.g. that prices increase with demand, the more with insufficient production.
b) “Long-term objective basic income” – to compare models, financial compensation scheme, incremental tax regulations, per capita weighting, social security net, to discuss pros and cons.
c) To compare finance models, consumption tax, income and wealth taxes, financial transaction tax and to discuss consequences. Money is such a natural thing for people (also for those who don’t have it) that hardly anybody thinks about it.
3. Ways to basic income, role plays or sculpture theater
Because great resistance may be expected to a worldwide (or even an EU- or Austria-wide) introduction for everybody with payment in full, scenarios for more moderate ways should be designed. Each has its pros and cons, ultimately legislation decides (under pressure of the state of public awareness).
Common to all is that, at first, much less money is needed, that because of accompanying research start-up difficulties and teething troubles could quickly be remedied and that society could get used to the changes step by step.
a) Introduction of UBI in particularly disadvantaged regions,
which, as far as population density, emigration, age structure, median income, unemployment, level of education, infrastructure and job offers, but also divorce rates, health parameters and teenage pregnancies are concerned, have clearly worse values than the national (EU) average.
b) Introduction for persons against whom there exists less public resistance: children, youths in training, older unemployed, single parents, disabled people etc.
c) Introduction by year: everyone receives the UBI for life after the completion of the eighteenth year of age; subsequently also their children.
d) UBI for all starting from a specific date of birth, e.g. Jan. 1st, 2010
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[069] What would concrete steps on the way to basic income look like?, Harald Rein
This contribution develops an approach to win over especially the poor to the unconditional basic income.
Starting point is the restrictive socio-political support for an employment policy which puts gainful employment in the center at all costs. We shall discuss the question what a person is entitled to for his/her livelihood also without gainful employment; who determines it with what methods. Finally, an approach is presented that enables people again to claim their own needs autonomously.
Poor people are generally suspected to want to withdraw themselves from the (wage) labor market. Therefore, all means seem to be justified to counteract the suspected idleness, which is considered undermining society, with compulsory labor. This is the reason why the respective standard rate is kept low and the legal apparatus of sanctions is applied selectively. At the same time, it is obvious that society is held together also by areas of activity other than gainful employment. Therefore, the question arises whether income still has to be defined with double standards (here wages, there social benefits). It is mandatory to establish a different view of social security, away from minimum benefits to a sufficient basic income. This insight is the central requirement for realizing specific decision processes in life without the influence of socio-political constraints. In this context, some groups of unemployed people have been active in several German cities with a campaign “For a good life”: They put the question, what each human being needs for a good life, to those concerned and let them answer it. This constitutes a form of self-empowerment to question distribution rules and to establish a different manner of living and working.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[070] Estimating the Cost of a Basic Income for Ireland, Michael L. Collins, Dr., Dublin, Ireland
The concept of a basic income has been of policy interest in Ireland for some time. A series of studies in the 1990s lead to the Irish government issuing a consultation paper (green paper) on basic income in 2002. Subsequently, research by Clark (2002), Ward (2006 and 2008), Collins (2008 and 2011) and Social Justice Ireland (2010, 2011) has continued to consider the issue and highlight its potential and implications.
The recent severe economic recession in Ireland has emphasised the vulnerabilities, for individuals and society generally, of the current systems of direct (market) and transfer (welfare) income. The need for more comprehensive societal income safety-nets has become obvious and consequently has rekindled an interest in the prospect of a basic income.
This paper uses a detailed nationally representative sample of more than 5,000 households and 12,000 individuals (from the Central Statistics Office Survey on Income and Living Conditions micro-dataset) to establish the likely cost of a basic income were it to be introduced in Ireland. The paper initially establishes a benchmark costs based on current social transfer rates (for children, adults and pensioners). It then considers variations to this cost based on different levels of basic income payments and entitlements. In particular, these extensions build on the work of Collins et al (2012) who established minimum income thresholds for Irish households based on consensual budget standards research.
Finally, the paper explores a number of possible revenue sources for funding the additional expenditure required to pay for the introduction of a basic income.


[071] BI from an Hungarian perspective, Erik Szabo, Ungarn
In advance the short history: Some aspects and individual characteristics of the Hungarian language are being explained.
Backgrounds both historical and cultural are being connected through BI.
Our acoustic world is becoming continually louder, more distressful and unbearable. This was quite vividly described by the German music scientist E.J. Behrendt in his book “The third ear” (1985).
This concerns Hungary as well. However, we believe that the underlying reasons for this deafening noise are severe social and collective conflicts. Our intention is to relieve this problems in order to serve the common well-being.
The BI could be an adequate answer to solving many problems.
How and What
The basis for our Hungarian team FNA Budaörs is as follows:
The introduction of the BI is furthermost a normative collective decision.
An economic justification is not necessary.
In 2005 there was an article about this in the Stuttgarter Zeitung: Already back then the author was pointing out:
First of all a decision should be made by the society (also politically) about a secure existence for everybody. Consequently, ways have to be found by the economy to put this into practice.
Our existential situation can only be improved if social, economic and ecologic sustainability are pushed forward simultaneously.
Our presentation also wants to show a few important principles:
1. The socalled principle of optimizing
2. The principle of wholeness
3. The principle of abundance
Life is an organic principle. Man constantly creates himself anew. He/she is bearer of the intellectual/spiritual structure. Our mind demands living actively in a harmonious world.
BI could be a crucial source of energy.
Hungary is in need of such source and quite obviously Germany is, too.
(Translated from German by Mirjam Westermeier)


[072] Arguing for a Basic Income from a Jurisprudential Perspective, Jörg Drescher, Kiev, Ukraine
Constitutional scholars generally distinguish among three major categories of human rights – classical liberties, political rights and rights to state benefits. Classical liberties and political rights have a rather long tradition. In contrast, rights to state benefits are still controversially discussed.
The Mission Statement of the “Basic Income Earth Network” considers Basic Income as a sort of economic right based upon citizenship as part of the just solution to social problems in advanced societies. In 2005, inspired by BIEN’s congresses, Guy Standing published the book “Promoting Income Security as a Right,” containing a collection of essays arguing for Basic Income.
But what are rights, what are their origins, what are means to guarantee them? Are there arguments for a Basic Income as a right from a jurisprudential point of view?
This paper examines these questions and uses statements of famous legal scholars of the 19th century (mainly Rudolf von Jhering and Georg Jellinek). They have significantly influenced the composition, understanding and use of our contemporary judicial systems.


[080] UBI model projects financed by the EU for rural areas - a utopia?, Jens-Eberhard Jahn
Sectoral justifications for UBI could lead to sectoral model projects. This shall be shown by means of two examples which overlap though as regards content:
1. The advantage of UBI for ethnic minorities;
2. The advantage of UBI for rural areas.
Regional point of reference is the EU. I shall present proposals and test possibilities how concrete model projects could be financed by existing EU funds (among others ELER, ESF) in the funding period starting in 2020. It is clear that the EU structural policy would need to be changed. Since the EU Parliament has already expressed support for it, there is at least minimal room for it.
The relevance of such model projects shall be reviewed critically. Existing model projects (e.g. in Namibia) will neither be ignored nor exaggerated. Experiences there can partly be applied to Europe.
I consider my contribution as a bridge from vision to practice. In the background of these considerations, also as far as model projects are concerned, the question of political enforcement and societal majorities for such projects arises naturally.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[083] Marcelo Manzano, São Paulo, SP, Brazil
This paper presents a comparative analysis of two experiences in the implementation of Social Information Systems associated with Basic Income Programs, namely the Brazilian “Cadastro Único” (Single Registry), serving the “Bolsa Família” Program, and the Chilean “Ficha de Protección Social” (Social Protection Card), serving the “Chile Solidario” Program. The aim of this analysis is to contribute to the identification of critical points and solutions to overcome the many challenges and complexities surrounding the implementation of Social Information Systems (SIS). The precariousness of the SISs consists in a major difficulty for the effectiveness of Basic Income Programs – and, since this Programs are designed for populations in extreme social vulnerability (in most cases, in poor countries with limited operating conditions and institutional weaknesses), understanding and analyzing international experiences involving successful strategies in the development and consolidation of SISs is of utmost relevance. In this regard, the choice of the two cases analyzed in the paper (Brazil and Chile) is due not only to the international recognition of their Basic Income Programs (“Bolsa Família” and “Chile Solidario”, respectively) but also to the fact that the trajectories of the development of the SIS in each of this countries were very different, and may in fact be considered as antipode examples. In the paper, we explore the peculiarities of each case. The analysis presented in the paper derives from a project conducted by the author within the United Nations Developmet Programme (UNDP).


[088] “Political and social importance of an unconditional basic income (UBI). Considerations from the SADC Region”, Simone Knapp
With the Namibian UBI pilot project, Southern Africa delivers not only a good example of how basic income can be implemented and what it impacts. It also stands as a typical example of a region, in which, because of political necessities, UBI is a “must”. Here, the almost unlimited natural resources under control of a small minority stand in contradiction to the living conditions of most people. This is not only in contradiction to the principle of justice, which has been anchored in most constitutions, but in the long run it jeopardizes peace and stability. The UBI is not only financially viable, but also politically necessary because it may contribute to strengthening the local, national and regional sense of solidarity and creating genuine peace. Therefore, in Southern Africa there are first timid considerations of a possible higher taxation of the mining sector, which could serve to finance a UBI at regional level. Thus, two objectives could be achieved simultaneously: on the one hand the resources of the area would increase in value. Until today, the most valuable concessions of the area are awarded to foreign corporations either tax-free or taxed low at ridiculous prices. For this reason, governments lack the funds for social programs like social security systems, whereas the people living in the areas concerned are confronted with the negative social and ecological impact of the resource extraction. On the other hand, the implementation of UBI on the regional level would have the advantage that no government alone would be the target of attacks of all those who consider UBI a dangerous experiment. Regional cooperation would strengthen the position of the respective governments versus foreign actors, also versus international financial institutions, as well as contribute to an approximation of social standards within the SADC. As a side effect, the regionally coordinated taxation of the mining sector would contribute to the governments not being played off against each other by investors, what, up to now, ended in favor of these investors. Instead, equal standards of taxation of the mining sector would apply. Governments would invest the added value of UBI in human resources. This is essential for a sustainable development.
In the workshop, the social and political importance of a regional UBI within the SADC as well as ways of its implementation will be elaborated on. Furthermore, it shall be discussed which coalitions and strategies here and in the south would be necessary to support the idea of a regional UBI within the SADC.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[105] BASIC INCOME IN THE DISCUSSION ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS: RIGHT OR GUARANTEE?, Jose Luis Rey Perez, Dr., Madrid, Spain
Although in the Declaration of Human Rights approved by the Assembly of United Nations in 1948 a right to an income does not appear, newer declarations of rights like the Emerging Human Rights of 2007 includes a right to a universal and unconditional basic income. In addition, some national laws have recognized Minimum Insertion Incomes as a subjective right. It seems that in the context of global capitalism seems more necessary to recognize a right to an income than a right to an employee specially when there is not enough number of jobs to each citizen. However, the political discourse maintains the importance of jobs and cut the income benefits or Welfare State. In this paper, it will be analyzed three points or arguments: firstly, if it is necessary to include new rights in the Declaration of Human Rights. In this sense, a right to a basic income would be a right of a fourth generation or it would be a synthesis right because its content is already include in other social rights? It is necessary to distinguish between the right to an income and the right to a job? Secondly, it will be presented the difference between the concept of right and the concept of guarantee in order to discuss if basic income would work better as a right or as a guarantee of other social rights. Lastly, it will be exposed the role a basic income can play in the context of global capitalism and in its potentiality to transform the arguments for human rights that are used commonly.


[107] TO SAVE THE EURO: CREATION OF REGIONAL SOCIAL CURRENCIES, TAXES ON FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS, AND MINIMUM INCOME PROGRAMS, Leonardo Basso, Dr., São Paulo, Brazil
Of all the proposals that we have read so far to resolve the European crisis, none has what we believe is the essential ingredient: the creation of regional currencies, which we call social currencies – the name can be reconsidered later - , but what we have in mind with this term is that this currency presents a social component, which is the creation of jobs; there is nothing new about alternative currencies that circulate back and forth alongside the national currencies of countries with monetary problems; they have already existed in Brazil, with the creation of social currencies with small circulation, and in Argentina, when the population lost confidence in a currency that was suffering continual and significant devaluations.
These currencies should have three characteristics: the first is that the exchange rate should be devalued against the euro, as one of the problems with the euro is that it hinders the competitiveness of countries with lower productivity, as we have argued previously in an article about parity of exchange rates (criticizing the exchange rate of one real to one dollar, which gave rise to the Brazilian monetary plan known as the plano real); the second is that these currencies will be transitory in nature, and will become extinct when the economic situation of the European countries improves; the third is that unlike what happened with countries that created social currencies (where the creation and issue of the currencies were private), the creation and issue will be in the hands of the central banks, to prevent forgery and uncontrolled issue of currency.
The ballast for this currency will be the collection of euros, through the creation of taxes on regional financial transactions. We made a similar proposal in a previous article, but the concern in that article was with the collection of funds to enable the implementation of a minimum income for those affected by unemployment. This time, the focus is different, because the social currency has the role of reactivating the economy, and not of providing funds for the minimum income. The second essential component of our proposal is the creation of a minimum income for those affected by unemployment; this minimum income will be funded by the regional social currencies, and issued according to the needs of each country; its issue will not be linked to inflation for two reasons: the recent events in the United States have caused the wisdom of ideas that defend the quantitative theory of currency to be questioned (significant issues do not result in significant inflations); parsimonious issues lead to increased in product (in this case, consumer goods).
The second essential component of the proposal is the implementation of taxes on regional financial transactions, because we see that countries like England will veto the creation of a Tobin tax at European level; this tax, as was seen with the implementation of the CPMF (provisional contribution on financial movements) in Brazil, has excellent potential for tax revenue, depending on the tax rate (aliquot), and can provide enough resources to partially resolve problems of budget deficits, bringing the debt/GDP ratio to satisfactory levels. The Brazilian experience shows that there is nothing destabilizing about the introduction of this tax.
Its implementation should be part of a wider proposal to control financial capital in the European countries (the most appropriate expression would be regulation of financial capital), since the much-proclaimed solution for the welfare state did not materialize.
In the remainder of the article we shall compile the proposals presented for the euro crisis, incorporating those that have synergy with the creation of social currencies and the regional Tobin taxes.


[108] Steps towards Basic Income – Case Finland, Jouko Kajanoja, Pertti Honkanen, Helsinki, Finland
Some recent reforms of Finnish income security have been steps towards the basic income. Most remarkable has been guaranteed pension, now 714 euro per month for those who are 65 years old or over. Guaranteed pension is not means tested or taxed. Only the other pensions are affecting the guaranteed pension. The basic unemployment benefit has been increased so that it is now 674 euro per month and its dependence on the income of the spouse will be abolished.
As the first step towards basic income we will deal the idea of increasing the income guarantee to be 750 euro per month for pensioners and for those who are entitled to unemployment, parental, sickness or student allowances. The last resort social assistance will be increased to 620 euro per month (now 461 euro) and its means test will be remarkably released so that one could earn a certain amount per month not affecting the social assistance. The housing allowance will be such that the reasonable housing costs are not more than a quarter of disposable income of the family. Earnings-related benefits (pensions and unemployment and sickness allowances) remain as they are now.
The next step is the basic income of 620 euro per month. The above forms of income guarantee will remain and so the recipients of pension, unemployment, parental, sickness or student benefits will get in addition to basic income 130 euro per month. This step will require a different system of taxation. The housing allowance and earning-related benefits will be kept as they are in the first step.
We will estimate by micro-simulation what are the costs of the above steps and what level of taxation will cover the costs of benefits. We will describe the results of each step in the living of different groups of people.


[109] Basic Income as Participatory Parity , Joonas Leppänen, Helsinki, Finland
One common assumption when talking about basic income is that an unconditional basic income would, or at least could, have an activating role with regards to people in society. This would be so because the basic income would, to a certain amount, “free” those who are worst off in society from concentrating all their energy on struggling for money, food, transportation and with bureaucracy etc. This line of thought is usually bracketed within a framework of material economic justice. What usually is less clear if an unconditional basic income could adjudicate other claims of justice such as identity-based claims or other political claims.
The aim of this paper is two-fold. First I intend to show how a basic income could adjudicate other justice based claims than claims for socio-economic justice. After it is established that basic income can adjudicate a wider variety of justice based claims, I’ll try to show how participatory parity can be conceived as the goal of an unconditional basic income.
I will base this paper on Nancy Fraser’s multi-layered framework of justice. Fraser claims that her framework of justice can encompass questions of material inequalities, identity based issues and questions of political representation. The key to understanding how basic income can adjudicate claims of justice in different spheres (recognition, representation) can be found in Fraser’s earlier work where she claims that redistributive measures can further justice in the sphere of recognition and vice versa. Questions of justice are adjudicated in Fraser’s framework by relating them to the normative core of participatory parity. In other words injustices are unjust because they hinder the possibility to interact with one another as peers in society. Thus basic income could have a larger emancipatory potential than “freeing” people from their daily economic struggles.


[110] Prof. Dr. Michael Opielka, Germany
The comprehensive political connectivity of the idea of basic income is sometimes described as a deficiency. In the presentation the contrary view is being argued: the historical analysis of the implementation of political programs shows that it is the peripheral fuzziness of political ideas that allows for their implementation. Admittedly, one central thought is indispensable. It lies in its base on human rights of social insurance that is institutionalized by way of a basic income. For this, the term “guarantistic” or “guarantism” is being introduced.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[112] Social Policy Reform Discourses in the Media: How German Mass Media Represent the Public Debate on a Basic Income, Markus Rhomberg, Friedrichshafen, Germany
This paper explores the public debate on the future of the German social and welfare agenda, by focusing on the debate on a Basic Income. This idea finds more and more supporters in the German public debate. But surprisingly it is quite difficult to bunch these supporters into a concrete ideological direction: left-wing as well as liberal politicians, economists, churches and a bunch a NGOs support the idea of a basic income with very mixed and different argumentations; not to mention the large number of opponents.
For analyzing the debate we try to set up a perspective that is seldom used in social policy analysis by investigating the discourse in the field of welfare policy and using an empirical media analysis. The general goal of discourse analysis is to reconstruct the processes of social construction, objectification, communication and legitimation of meaning and to analyze the societal effects of these processes (Keller 2004, p. 59). One can assume that media content creates, reflects and reproduces fundamental social patterns of expectation. The point is not to analyze the entirety of institutionalized expectations. Instead, we aim to structure those expectations that make their way into the public debate – into the public realm and into the media debate.
We are interested in how the public debate on concepts of a basic income is covered by the news media: Which arguments were introduced by the media or reiterated? Which agents were cited? Can these agents be ordered into specific systems of social functions (politics, science, economy, civil society)? The focus of the analysis is dated from May 2008 to May 2010. This timeline includes coverage of political daily business as well as the campaigns for the German Bundestagswahl in September 2009 and the coalition talks between the Christdemocrats (CDU and CSU) and the Free Democrats (FDP).


[113] Mr. Reima Launonen, Helsinki, Finland
My paper will be an inquiry to the effects that questions of basic income could have on the issues of distributive justice. Especially I am interested on the questions of just distribution of income and people’s rights to appropriate sufficient property in society.
The background for my treatment of social justice comes from John Rawls’ theory of justice as fairness. In my paper I will concentrate on Rawls’ principles of justice, which distribute primary goods, and ideal of property-owning democracy. I am going to show that the principles of Rawls’ theory require very strong economic support for their realization. Therefore a just society needs redistribution of the wealth. Traditional welfare state models also tend to emphasize redistributive methods, but if we want to achieve Rawls’ ideal of property-owning democracy, there has to be massive rearrangements in the original distribution of goods compared to prevailing welfare models.
Thus, in the process of making these ideals more realizable we need a concrete reform for the distribution of economic goods in the society. Basic income will provide a starting point for the more extensive changes in the distribution of the social goods. The owning of property creates opportunities and possibilities for individuals and a decent minimum provided for everyone should be the first step in this process.
Thus, I claim that basic income should be the first step that we have to take if we want to get closer to fair system of income distribution, which has equivalence to Rawlsian principles of justice and genuine opportunities for people to achieve the primary goods.


[114] Basic income, public finance and the commons, Louise Haagh, Dr., York, United Kingdom
Following the economic crisis that began in 2007 many new ideas have emerged about how to create a new foundation of economic stability. In this paper the author argues that this challenge can be thought about in the form of how to extend a more general form of property right in stability of which basic income forms a critical part. More generally the author proposes that this notion can also be linked with the need to reconstitute public finance as a foundation for generating multiple rights to economic security in different egalitarian dimensions and that this situates a form of progressive public finance as a key part of a new notion of the commons.


[115] Republicanism and the prospects of emancipatory basic income, David Casassas, Barcelona, Spain
Basic income has often been presented as a tool to enhance republican freedom within contemporary societies. By granting relevant degrees of material independence, it is supposed to foster individuals’ capacity to lead their lives on an undominated basis. This paper shares this view, but aims at broadening the analysis of republican public policy by considering three other dimensions that are equally important to secure citizens’ freedom as non-domination. First, the role of in-kind social benefits and their linkage to basic income will be assessed. Both basic income and in-kind policies constitute core elements of a package of measures aiming at building a substantial socioeconomic “floor” guaranteeing material security to all. Second, some institutional mechanisms controlling great accumulations of economic power should also be instituted. In effect, even if individuals have been empowered with a basic set of resources, their freedom is crucially threatened when powerful economic actors have the capacity to factiously shape markets and entire economies and to obstruct the deployment of others’ life plans. Third, such a comprehensive attempt to build a package of measures universalising republican freedom will require robust democratic control over all institutional devices it is based on. These three elements constitute the building blocks of a scheme of political economy that faithfully reworks the emancipatory nature of republican theory within contemporary societies.


[116] Designing a universal income support mechanism for Italy. An exploratory tour, Ugo Colombino, Dr., Torino, Italy
Differently from most European countries and despite the recommendations on the part of the European Commission, Italy still misses a sufficiently systematic and nationwide mechanism of income support. In this paper we explore the feasibility, the desirability and the features of a universal policy of minimum income in Italy. We use a microeconometric model and a social welfare methodology in order to evaluate various alternatives mechanisms. We simulate the effects and the social welfare performance of 30 reforms resulting from six versions of five basic types of income support mechanism: guaranteed minimum income (GMI), unconditional basic income (UBI), wage subsidy (WS) and two mixed systems: GMI+WS and UBI+WS. As welfare evaluation criteria we adopt the Gini Social Welfare function and the Poverty-Adjusted Gini Social Welfare function. The simulation exercise adopt a method that preserves fiscal neutrality and ensures a consistent comparative statics interpretation of the results. Universal and unconditional (i.e. non mean-tested transfers (possibly complemented by wage subsidy) emerge as desirable and feasible features of the income support mechanism. In the most realistic scenarios, the social-welfare-optimal policies are an unconditional transfer combined with a wage subsidy (a total benefit amounting to about 70% of the poverty level) or – depending on the social welfare criterion – a more generous pure unconditional transfer amounting to100% of the poverty level. In this exercise the reforms can be financed by proportionally increasing the current marginal tax rates and widening the tax base to include all personal incomes, with top marginal rates close to the ones currently applied in some Scandinavian countries. The set of universalistic policies that are preferable to the current system is however very large and appears to give the opportunity of selecting a best reform according to many different criteria or constraints.


[118] Index of Effectiveness and Efficiency of Public Policy, Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione, São Paulo, Brazil
Objectives
Proposition and verification of the validity of an approach to the performance of government and non-governmental organizations in meeting their social objectives based on the relationship between the provision of access to basic needs and reducing levels of social inequality.
Background
Throughout the process of experimenting with the basic income, concern about operating costs enabled us to observe that increasing the efficiency of the project was directly proportional to the transfer of funds and property collected by reducing the loss on operating costs.
Comparing these empirical data with the theoretical work of Amartya Sen and Robert Nozick, conceived the notion of rule of law as a provider of social security system based on equal rights in terms of real freedom, and its execution by the redistribution of this freedom in the real as capital.
Taking the equality of real freedom as the basic right to be secure, we hypothesized that fulfill the objectives of the state in a capitalist system, passes through the provision of basic capital required for participation in the free market. As social inequality indicator of compliance with this order.
The present study attempts to check the validity and applicability of the proposition by comparing the rates calculated from the method based on this different approach to the United States and Brazil over a period of time, compared with other widely accepted Socioeconomic indicators as the HDI.
Methods
The method builds on the United States by the availability of data and the GINI index. It consists of a comparative analysis of:
• GDP
• Collection and government spending.
• social inequality.
From these data we decompose the primary state machine until you reach a hypothetical condition of absence from the State its costs and benefits, calculating then the primitive inequality. From the calculation of social inequality within a state that used the current level of revenue for the provision of guaranteed basic income reached an real inequality.
The correlation between this early with this inequality we then obtain the current effectiveness of the system. And the comparison of inequality with the inequality primitive ideal desired efficacy. Placing current inequality within this range through these two benchmarks.
The efficiency is calculated from the ratio of the differences between actual and desired efficacy divided by the amount of funds raised after subtracting the expenses.
Hypotheses and Evidence
We propose that the efficiency and effectiveness of public policy should be calculated on their influence on the level of social inequality, since every opportunity to influence the accumulation of capital and capital to generate opportunities. As measured by the ratio between the level of fulfillment of the purpose and the amount of resources mobilized to do so, in the relation of cost-effectiveness.
For this, as preliminary evidence, we sought to analyze its correspondence with other social indicators available and widely accepted as the GINI.
In applying the equations developed and described in our preliminary work we have:
The thesis of- directly applying, without intermediation, the resources or bureaucratic state leads us to the social rate of return of 1 to 1, ie, each the equivalent amount invested reaches its end, which resulted in improvement - evolution, social inequality, the Gini index and other indexes and that is reflected in the calculation of the new indexes: effectiveness, efficiency and evolution of income.
The direct application or absence of the State on the preliminary work that take into account the amount equivalent to taxes burden, spending Socials equivalent to the total is redistributed as fully and unconditionally guaranteed basic income for all individuals. It was therefore concluded that the assumptions made in the elimination of the state bureaucracy and the direct application of resources as a guaranteed, unconditional basic income results in improvements in all indices and social evolution of income per capita.
And comparing the new indices calculated on a random ranking of countries the trend is evident in the results presented in the rates of effectiveness and efficiency by direct application, always equivalent to the resources available for social spending total.
Conclusions
A preliminary comparison with the HDI, showed a reasonable correspondence both of efficiency and effectiveness. This correspondence is not significant but still allows us to establish the validity of the approach, but warrant further testing especially in terms of social activities organized by civil society. Taking the levels of inequality before and after the implementation of social projects as a base.
The method applied to the composition of the study also suggests the possibility of efficiency and effectiveness of public influence not only social inequality, but also economic development.


[119] Analytical Report of Three Years of the Pilot-project of Basic Income Guarantee in Brazil, Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione, São Paulo, Brazil
Objectives
Report experience of the effects of basic income in a small rural community, Quatinga Velho in Brazil. And analyzing the results measured by independent studies and data collected in order to formulate a new model of public policy citizen liable to be replicated in the network.

Background
The project is the second in history to achieve the payment of an unconditional basic income of 30 Reais, and the first to do so from people-to-people. The study aims to contribute to the development of basic income, not just at the conceptual level, but applied as a social technology directed to:
• Eradication of poverty;
• Human Development;
• Empowerment of citizens.
Methods
The report is based:
• the memorial of the project.
• the data collected periodically by the director responsible of the project.
• and an analysis of the results of independent studies.
Data collection is done with the project participants, through informal interviews, visits to all households with weekly registration and publication in photo and video testimonials of houses and assemblies, and other relevant accompaniments.
The technical, financial, and operational are part of the public demonstrations of the institution responsible to the Ministry of Justice of Brazil.
Theses and Results
The basic income model should be consistent with the libertarian spirit, should be formulated not as aid but as a universal human right to social security. So we make a cash transfer project, conceived as integrated pedagogical process, in which the community changing is the school, combining the security of vital political emancipation and cultural transformation. Model based: on direct democracy, radical transparency - where all the funds collected is passed on to beneficiaries, and community self-determination - designed as a social networking site formed by the mutual recognition of the residents and not delimited by geopolitical boundaries or others.
Even with the benefit of low-riding, the first results were observed by the third month of the project. Verified: gains in nutrition, clothing and living conditions and health, especially in children, construction of new housing and / or improvements to existing ones. In general, the use of income stuck to buying basic needs, although some families have the time to plan the use of the benefit using the resource in microenterprises, included poorer families. It was also noticed increased self-esteem and social interaction, reduction of social insecurity, and rising expectations of the future, especially regarding children. Was not observed: increased use of alcohol or illicit drugs; significant changes in labor relations, birth, migration or emigration justified by the basic income, or generation of political relations and economic dependency, whether in relation to basic income, or the filmmakers the project. You can still see increased integration and community participation, with significant impact on measurements of social capital.
Conclusions
From experience, it is observed that the value of the amount is not only subjective or relative to cost of living location. There is a reason, in which the value of the amount of basic income is comparatively higher for those who need more of the same. For the same reason that there is less private interest, but not the collective, participate in the project to those with higher purchasing power, implying that the particular interest in taking part of this program is proportional to the subjective valuation of the basic income.
This proportional ratio between need and allows evaluation, self-governing or participating projects, the focus of the audience by setting the amount of basic income, they may be rightly prioritize the poor without the undesirable effects of conditionalities. Procedure more efficient, economical and unbureaucratic to fight poverty and promote social security, avoiding the evils of discrimination and segregation, as well as the associated operational costs. We also observed a negative relationship between uncertainty and the perspective on life - understood as a psychological phenomenon corresponding to the very opening of the horizon of possibilities of the person, the basic income and the ability to act directly in the social and psychological phenomenon, promoting human and economic development while generating social capital and financial security, trust and perspectives needed to free enterprise, responsibility and entrepreneurship. Constituting themselves as a possible foundation for solidarity economy, just to leverage social technologies such as microcredit. We conclude that the method employed was the key to the extrapolated results to material improvement. The model applied suggests the possibility of enabling the basic income scale replication and propagation in the network via the integrated civil societies, if strategically applied economic centers to the suburbs, can become an instrument of pragmatic policies, governmental or otherwise, to eradicate extreme poverty and empowerment. The study also suggests the possibility of enabling the Basic Income by social pact and associations, banking and financial models, avoiding taxation.


[121] Marc de BASQUIAT, Dr., Versailles, France
We offer an update and extension of the Bourguignon and Chiappori (1998) reference document. These authors have shown that the French redistributive system is complex, inflexible, inefficient, not much redistributive and heavily biased against labor income as compared with savings and heritage.
We show how the concept of basic income, combined with a flat tax on all income, a uniform tax on assets and additional compassionate services, defines a redistributive set with opposite characteristics.
The complexity gives way to a universal allowance paid to all regular residents, which vary only by age, 340 euro a month for adults, 192 euro for children (amounts calculated for 2010, indexed on the evolution of GDP), financed by the levy of 18% of the total revenues. A tax on net assets (1% on all assets net of debt) replaces all of the taxation of wealth and its transmission.
We use and adapt the microsimulation tool developed by Landais, Piketty, Saez (2011) to compare the distributional effects of the current system to those of our proposal, with an unprecedented level of accuracy for this type of proposal.
In total, the redistributive features analyzed by deciles, percentiles and thousandth of income are close. The main differences open a discussion on the fairness of the current system, particularly with respect to the tax burden on labor and the highest wealth.


[122] Capability Income: A policy proposal in the fight against poverty and social exclusion, Egidio Riva, Rosangela Lodigiani, Dr., Milano, Italy
This paper presents, through highlighting and discussing its goals and key principles, a policy proposal – written on behalf of Caritas and presented in 2011 – to introduce in Italy, and especially in the Lombardy Region, a minimum income scheme, called Capability Income.
The proposal intended to be primarily a platform for useful discussion, in order to let civil society and policy makers evaluate, from a cultural, political as well as institutional perspective, the opportunity of establishing a “selective universalism” measure to fight poverty and social exclusion. Therefore, the paper presents the organizational and implementation details, which are necessarily designed according to the specificity of the Lombardy welfare regime, but are surely transferrable to other models of local welfare. Above all, it discusses the guiding principles of the proposal, starting from the idea that the fight against poverty is “constituent”, in the true meaning of the word, as it forms not only the model of the welfare state but also of the society itself.
The Capability Income invites to give priority on the political agenda to the fight to poverty and social exclusion and to embrace an “active inclusion” strategy. It asserts the right to be supported against the risk of poverty and social exclusion as a real and true right of citizenship, not subjected either to political will or to a compassionate and stigmatizing interpretation of the poor. Then, it identifies the most appropriate response to poverty in an "enabling" approach, which intervenes on the conditions that prevent the fulfilment of life. Thus, it provides for in cash and, above all, in kind benefits, so as to guarantee anyone the opportunity to enjoy "substantial freedom”, as suggested by the “capability approach”. Indeed, the lack of income is just a part of poverty, being the capability for agency the main skill to master one's own life. Accordingly, the Capability income aims at detecting and removing the causes of poverty and their reproduction across the generations through a combined intervention of welfare, welfare to work and learnfare, in which centrality is given to social inclusion alongside labour market activation and in which education, from the early childhood, vocational training and lifelong learning are promoted as an opportunity for empowerment and not only for employability.
The paper addresses these questions and also discusses the implications of a political approach which recognizes that employment is not always sufficient to protect against poverty and which states that achievement of wealth and autonomy requires a merging of capabilities and rights, that is to say of individual responsibility and collective solidarity.
by Rosangela Lodigiani and Egidio Riva (Sociology Department, Catholic University of Milan)


[123] Paths to basic income: what Europe could learn from developing and emerging countries, Uwe Kerkeritz, Germany
Developing and emerging countries will not be able to retrace the German path into social statehood. Our model of social statehood designed Bismarck, based on formal employment subject to social security is no solution for those millions of people in the informal sector which characterizes the labor market there. At the same time, a social bureaucracy hardly exists in many developing and emerging countries which makes complex needs tests impossible. Against this background many new systems of basic financial security have developed not following conventional Western European social models. These are either test models explicitly for the unconditional basic income as in Otjivero, Namibia, Africa, or models of basic financial security, which contain at least some elements of unconditional basic income, like the project Bolsa Familia in Brasil or Oportunidades in Mexico, which the former mayor Michael Bloomberg tried to adopt for New York City.
In Germany, too, it can be observed that the social security systems based on gainful employment reach their limits. Classical employment relationships are replaced more and more by part-time jobs and temporary staffing. Broken occupational biographies increase as well as changing between self-employment and regular employment. Women in particular pause during parental leave or care-giving times.
The unconditional basic income is a vision trying to meet these requirements. The fear of the introduction of such a system is understandable though – to try out “Paths to basic income” in advance is hardly possible. Therefore, a closer look at examples in developing and emerging countries pays off. There, many different models have developed, which could offer pointers for possible ways to basic income.
To what extent could these approaches be translated into an industrial nation as Germany? What conclusions could be drawn from the trial projects in Mexico, Brasil or Otjivero and what do they tell us about possible ways to basic income?
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[124] Thoughts too simple at the wrong moment!, Markus Jensch, Germany
Income tax or consumption tax financing runs counter to the central objectives of UBI. After decades of neo-liberal overvaluation of economic activities it can in no way make sense to overtax the private household by increasing income or consumption taxes and, at the same time, not to tax the capital market and private investment.
Consumption within the work sphere generated by entrepreneurs and investors is at present mostly tax-free. Consumption of the end user carries the whole tax load. With this one-sided privilege the present tax system, which advocates of income and consumption tax raises still want to exacerbate, favors speculative investment of enterprises in high-risk technology (nuclear power, agro-industrial genetic technology…) as well as investment counteractive to democracy into third-party-funded projects and into the lobbyistic buying of politicians (consulting and event management business).
In contrast, we end users with small to medium incomes do not have a tax advantage if we invest into e.g. music lessons, health, political education or sport activities.
The concentration of two thirds of the total tax burden on income and consumption taxes implicates that we shall have to deal with very high tax rates. This provides a strong incentive for tax evasion and tax fraud and brings forward resentments hostile to taxes.
Could the financing of basic income be conceptualized any differently? I want to discuss three proposals in my workshop that could be combined with different weighting:
1. General sales tax taxing all money payments including transactions on the capital markets
2. Eco bonus or eco dividend
3. The state brings the services of general interest (water, power, telecommunication, banks, education, trains, air traffic), which are not positioned well in the private economy, again under governmental control and uses the monopoly profits of this area to finance basic income.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[125] Detachment of a Conditional Welfare System by a Basic Income: A Labor Supply Side Approach, Bernard Michael Gilroy, Paderborn, Germany
This paper deals with the effects of implementing a basic income on the labor supply side. In order to demonstrate the crucial role of the so called unemployment trap in the existing conditional welfare systems, the German labor market situation is investigated. Thereby, income taxes as well as social insurance contributions are taken into account. The results, which are graphically visualized, clarify that the abolishment of the unemployment trap due to a basic income policy is a decisive advantage of this system. This cognition is often neglected in the economic literature. However, we consider it in the subsequent theoretical model.
In order to demonstrate possible labor supply side reactions to a basic income policy, we use the neoclassical labor supply model and adapt it for our purposes. We compare the effects of implementing a basic income on different types of employees concerning their consumption preferences and gross wages. Thereby, we start from a conditional welfare system and take the funding of the basic income into account. We show that, even in the neoclassical labor supply model without intrinsic work motivation, the basic income increases the participation rate in the labor market. Furthermore, current employees are partially incited to increase their labor supply. Therefore, a basic income would not only reduce unemployment but could also expand the magnitude of employment.


[126] Katrin Fröhlich, Germany
Monetary forms of basic financial security, so-called “Sozialgeldtransfers”, have been celebrated by researchers and practicians as the “Southern revolution” (cf. Hanlon et.al. 2010). They count as adequate supplementation of the insufficient social security systems in many developing countries (cf. van Ginneken 2009, Leisering et.al. 2006, Loewe 2008). These monetary transfers, among whom also basic income is counted, are an important column of social security. As far as the implementation of the different programs is concerned, usually the national state is pointed to. Not only is the capability of providing permanent payment to the whole population attributed to it, but it is also regarded as guarantor of the political and social rights of its citizens (Opielka 2006: 37). Even if researchers of social policy and governance extend the actors of social security with more levels, as those of the civil society, (cf. Gough and Wood 2008) measures of basic financial security are primarily referred to the state. (cf. Leisering et al. 2006).
Nevertheless, also actors of the civil society engage themselves in the field of Sozalgeldtransfers. In my own qualitative research during my doctorate examination I refer to a transnational non-governmental organization (TNGO), who in an African country pays out unconditionally roughly 1,000 pensions exempt from contributions. By means of this example, the limits and solution strategies of TNGOs are identified: at first they pay out pensions solely as a service provider. In the course of their work though, they start considering the pension a human right, a right they themselves cannot guarantee. Instead, they revert to measures of demand–oriented selection of the recipients trying to make their payments last as long as possible with the help of long-term finance strategies. Considering the pension a right, they not only include the state, but also the recipients themselves into guaranteeing social security. The TNGO as advocate of a right of a minimum income returns the responsibility back to the state.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[127] Leon J.J. Segers, Dr., Maastricht, Netherlands
The biggest and most prominent challenge for the potential success of the ‘basic income’ concept in today’s Western society is considered to be primarily of a moral nature. A right to receive an income without making an effort in return by employment is considered illogical and therefore is facing considerable resistance in society.
It is therefore essential to evidence the implementation of the ‘basic income’ concept as a necessary element in finding a solution to the worldwide economic, financial and ecological crisis we’re in today.
Through adopting the concept a perspective to the solution of the crisis can be found as it may offer an end to the problem of poverty and starvation in many parts of the world, as well as it may even the unequal exchange rate on a world scale as it is now.
To achieve a more equal exchange of goods and money on a world scale it is considered of vital importance to both revive the labour market and align it to each different level of prosperity and at the same time avoid the poverty trap that disturbs it.
The current competition on the labour market is primarily serving the multinationals being capable to shift and allocate their activities to those parts of the world where the largest profits are realised.
The foreign exchange rates that are being used are considered rather incidental, not linked to any clear ecological underlying rationale nor sustainable.
Consequently this market place results in a global environment that results in poor countries serving as ‘workshops’ where the rich countries are considered the ‘consumer market’ following their inherent wealth and resulting purchasing power. The ‘basic income’ concept has the ability to provide a solid foundation for the global labour market and overcomes the bias of prosperity levels that pervert that market now. The concept serves poor countries by making them less dependent on their export but instead enables them to focus on their own developing which has an implicit positive effect on the (global) ecosystem.
Meanwhile it is considered of vital importance that a shift is achieved from taxation on labour and income, towards taxation based on usage of scarce and polluting materials. Consequently a more ecological friendly and sustainable usage of raw and scarce materials can be achieved.


[128] Could unconditionality be a political parameter? About the (gender-sensitive) normativity of basic income, Margit Appel
In the framework of an extensive review of the again and again established and prevalent gender-hierarchical division of labor basic income scores with being unconditional: pension claims do not have to be acquired, neither by paid nor unpaid work, nor by complying with specific life-styles and roles. At the same time it should be questioned whether the concept of unconditional basic income has “understood” and conceptually allowed sufficiently for the prevalent allocation of any form of unconditionality to the household sector and there primarily to women.
“Unconditional love / care” as overly elevated value and socially unbrokenly demanded attitude and actual practice is found in the inner area of familial life-styles; in lesser form also in the areas of mutual aid and volunteering. It is this sector of “unconditionality” that offers the opportunity to organize all other social sectors along a totally different hierarchy of values, namely the total bugaboo of performance orientated, competitive and hierarchical thinking. The normative foundation of basic income needs awareness of the existing social labor division and/or reference to the unconditionality.
It is this awareness that gives insight into the enormous difficulties connected with politicizing unconditionality. Unconditionality as political value needs a social area so to speak of trust among all society members. In the present social order, this is almost exclusively assigned to the private sector, the private sphere. Typically, opposition again basic income derives primarily from the prevalent gainful employment order. That is why unpaid work and the connected lived unconditionality is not given enough importance. For this reason, the opposition of society against the politicalization of unconditionality – generally and concretely in the form of basic income – is based on the wrong sources and insufficient strategies.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[129] Consumption Tax and B.I.G. – A Feasible Escape from the Current Tax System’s Snares of Debt and Bureaucracy., Wolfgang Heimann, Hartmut Keller, Otto Lüdemann, Germany
In light of an ideal idea of man and society and a corresponding desirable functional model of human and societal relationships within the interplay among the state, its citizens and the private sector, this interplay appears as fundamentally dysfunctional.
The tax system in particular no longer adequately fulfills its role as a steering mechanism within the societal system. The tax base has shrunk as a result of rationalization and outsourcing of production to low-wage countries, and the resultant shift of revenue streams. Particularly affected are the income tax and contributions to social welfare. The private sector tends to evade taxes, while the gap between rich and poor widens among the citizens. Ultimately, the tax system itself proves to be a driver of debt instead of reducing deficits and rendering income redistribution possible.
As a point of departure for engaging in solutions to this crisis, we consider a wide-reaching shift to consumption tax. A basic income guarantee (B.I.G.) is an integrated component of this approach. However, financing of a B.I.G. is not the focal point of this paper. Rather, we will concentrate on the expected repercussions of a consumption based tax system + B.I.G. on the crucially dysfunctional interplay among the societal actors state, citizens and private sector. e.g.:
- To what extent does the framework of doing business change for the private sector?
- What changes for the citizens; how do they react in light of the B.I.G.?
- Is, compared to an income tax, the consumption tax based on a fundamentally distinct approach?
- Would this shift encourage overcoming the debt-crisis and achieving more social justice?
- How does this new model interact with the increasingly pertinent perspective of a society after growth?
- How could this be implemented gradually?
Possible points for further discussion:
- Would there still be enough jobs?
- How might a BIG change people’s motivation to work additional jobs besides drawing income from the BIG?
- How would the system prevent tax evasion?
(Translated from German by Kolja Keller, Chicago)


[130] arolina Justo, Dr., Campinas/SP, Brazil
Since the middle 70’s, with the Welfare State and work crisis, some new ideas and experiences of income transfer programs have emerged and developed in Europe and Latin America. This paper proposes to analyze the context of increasing of such ideas, as well as the political ideological debate synthesized by the distinction between Minimum Income and Basic Income. Focusing on the political-theoretical analysis, the paper discusses how different propositions deal with questions like: citizenship rights and foundation, conditionality, poverty, coverage (universal or restricted), political participation, among others. The conclusion is that an enrichment of Basic Income proposal, linked to a progressive project of society, should conduce to a new or renewed Welfare State, where employment could be not essential. Through the analysis of some effectively implemented policies, based on the comparison among experiences of income transfer programs implemented in Brazil, the paper intends to show how Basic Income and Minimum Income have been in dispute both at the public decision arena and at the social imaginary. It is possible to verify differences not just related to the institutional design, but rather to the ideas, values and conceptions which support each policy. So, the contributions of Brazilian experiences indicate the importance of the emerging countries to the debate about Welfare State reform and, more than that, to the creation of a new right: the right to income.to assure a Basic Income as a citizenship right implies in the construction of a new right in this beginning of the 21st century – the right to income. To defend a Basic Income is not the same of defending the right to income – at least not at the discursive sphere.the discussion (the political one) could change its focus: from income to right, or from Basic INCOME to the RIGHT to Income.


[131] Incremental Steps to a Basic Income in the U.S., Almaz Zelleke, New York, United States
Prospects for a basic income in the United States remain poor due to the lingering effects of the paternalistic turn in welfare policy of the 1980s and 90s; the growth of the deficit caused by the tax cuts of the George W. Bush administration; and the current Tea Party-led conservative movement. But growing awareness of increasing income inequality brought about by the Occupy Movement, together with the continuing effects of the Great Recession, have paved the way for new approaches to promoting a broadly shared economic prosperity. With this opening in mind, I examine policy changes in three realms that could become incremental steps to a basic income in the United States: tax policy, resource dividends, and in-kind benefits.


[133] Arbeit in Deutschland, Stephanie Stegerer, Germany
The debate about basic income has become a broad topic in Germany. For the idea to have government grant every citizen a monthly basic income has become popular across all factions of parliament. Thus, almost all parties represented in parliament have established their appreciation of a public basic security. The intense debate, though, moved across partisan borders and found similarly advanced models in the realm of civil societal actors. As regards the scope of models, the media coverage plays a leading role concerning the presentation and explanation of this theme to the public. With their articles, presentations and selection of experts, they are able to steer and massively influence the debate. Because every media in its self-conception identifies itself with a certain political orientation, it needs to be considered whether this political orientation has an influence on the reporting. Therefore, the question arises whether this is also the case with controversial themes such as basic income.
In the present research paper it shall be explored by way of a critical discourse analysis whether there is a correlation between the political orientation of German print and online media and their reporting about basic income models. Here, the analysis centers on the models of unconditional basic income of Götz Werner and of the solidary citizen money of Dieter Althaus. The media analysis is based on the pre-defined main criteria of both models.
The result of the critical discourse analysis shows no correlation between the political orientation and the evaluation of the models. At the same time, though, it becomes apparent that specific media choose specific subject areas within the debate of basic income, about which they report repeatedly. These subject areas are compatible with the political self-conception of the respective media. As far as the selection of the covered themes is concerned, correlation between political orientation and reporting of the media may be assumed.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[137] Toru Yamamori, Kyoto, Japan
The Great East Japan Earthquake of March 11, 2001 caused tremendous human and material damage. The purpose of my presentation is to examine both policies and debates on income guarantee for the victims.
I will start with an overview of the debate regarding disaster reconstruction plans and then look to place an income guarantee within the debate. Then I will examine the contributions of the existing social welfare structure to rebuilding the lives of the poor, because new policies would not be necessary if the existing system could cover the predicament of the victims. Unfortunately, my analysis will conclude that the current system has not functioned as an social protection for people whose income become lower than national poverty line, and the same dysfunction apply to the case of the victims. Then I will examine how the demand of basic income can contribute to change current absence both of policy and civic attention to income guarantee of the victims.


[138] Caspar Priesemann
We suggest to present the documentation “UBI interactive” and to hold a pictorial discussion with the help of the created video clips.
The participants of the workshop may decide which videos to watch and thus decide which themes to discuss.
The documentation is available at….
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[142] A plan B for Greece: a monetary approach towards a basic income, Stanislas Jourdan, Paris, France
This paper suggests an heterodox way of managing an economic recovery of Greece assuming the country were to default on its debt and exit the eurozone.
The main proposal is that the central bank of Greece should gradually convert the 50bn euros emergency loans it is currently providing to the insolvent Greek banks into deposits of Greek citizens. This process of monetization would be led during five years, and result in distributing a guaranteed basic income to every Greek citizen currently residing in Greece. The advantages of this approach is to strengthen the banking system solvency with the increase of deposits in their balance sheet and without taxing citizens. Also, the new currency would be more attractive with the distribution of the basic income, and it would make room to the Greek State for further reforms towards a truly fiscal implementation of a basic income. Not to mention it would relieve the Greek people from a desperate situation that is currently destroying social cohesion in the country.
All in all, this proposal draws a strategy to end of the greek crisis through social justice. It addresses the anticipated collapse of the banking system in case of an exit of the eurozone, and stimulates a long-term confidence in the economic perspectives while fighting poverty in the country.
This proposal will be soon published on the website planbforgreece.org , which will be an open platform for a broad discussion about it.


[143] Valerija Korosec, Dr., Ljubljana, Slovenia
Paper ‘UBI proposal in Slovenia’ examines implications of adopting Universal Basic income (UBI) in Slovenia, i.e. the policy defined as individualized, unconditional payments to all persons entitled to citizenship. The first part of the article will briefly present the theoretical underpinnings of the UBI model applied in the analysis. This model was first published as a working paper in 2010 , while the second, revised, version was published in 2011 . A short description of the Slovenian welfare state and social protection system will follow. The third section of the article will present financial implications of this UBI model. The UBI model would be financed in the same way as the current system, through the same social contribution system and almost the same taxation system. However, there would be differences in substituting some tax allowances and at least 16 social transfers by UBI. A novelty would be processing UBI through a single existing administrative system, through the income tax system (DURS, Tax Administration of the RS). This will reduce administrative costs. It will also guarantee that working people will not fall below the minimum level of income either. All in all, we expect a massive reduction in administration costs. This is a reason for an argument that with this UBI model, public expenditure remains the same if UBI remains on the level of current Income Support transfer (sl. DSP). Furthermore, by means of a micro-simulation model (the same as used by the government), an attempt has been made to evaluate distributional effects of this UBI model; i.e. whether it would improve income security for the most vulnerable and for the majority of people in a better way than the current means-tested and workfare system.


[146] Ways to a GOOD LIFE FOR ALL – step by step to an ecological basic supply, Harald J. Orthaber
“A good life for all” primarily implies securing food supply. For this existential global theme there already exist several “Paths of transformation”: “A good life for all”, “Common welfare-oriented public finance”, “Food self government”, “Commons – sharing what belongs to all”, “Humane human labor” and “Comprehensive democratization”.
All these important solution concepts can only fall on fertile ground if they are accepted by the majority – i.e. they need to be processed well from a democratic perspective.
An appropriate framework could be the approach of the “Future Forum for a socio-ecological system modification (zfs)”. It could be implemented step by step starting with social change effective immediately by way of a monetary Unconditional Basic Income combined with a progressive eco-tax reform leading to a “non-negotiable” parallel value unity based on human dignity and renewable natural resources of our earth.
This implies on principle our recognition that all previous attempts of pricing/monetarizing natural resources have inevitably caused social shifts because the play of “power and market” has stood against it. Natural values therefore need to be developed into independent stable goods for all of us. The mere recognition though is not enough! Social structures and lifestyles are too much of an obstacle!
“Preparing the way for practical implementation” shall be the focal topic of this workshop. The way to the resource economy needs to be passable similarly real as the way to a society with “Unconditional Basic Income”. It becomes a political act of free will. The chances of success lie not only in the daily awareness that our freedom to select any lifestyle ends where it makes the life and survival of others impossible, i.e. the Global Categorical Imperative, but already during the practical act of collecting basic data with agricultural and forestry institutions, creating ecological balance and basic supply institutions, etc.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[150] Basic income and the value of work, Vivan Storlund, Dr., Esbo, Finland

Unpaid work is a fundament both for society and the formal economy, locally as well as globally. It represents largely half of all economic activity. The value of this ‘hidden half’ is estimated to be roughly equal to the world gross domestic product of the formal economy. (http://www.ecovaproject.org/)

If this work were properly valued and facilitated through a basic income, financial equations would greatly differ from present-day GDP measurements. An illustration: According to its GDP Vanuatu is one of the least developed countries in the world. Yet the quality of life for most people is remarkably high. “Nobody is hungry and there is a food security that comes from local access to fertile gardens. There’s no homelessness, every- one is cared for within extended family units. There’s relatively little violence, and disputes are resolved within communities by traditional leaders.“ (Anita Herle 2010)

There is an urgent need to reconsider the notion of work and its value.
The Joseph Stiglitz Commission (2008) on the measurement of economic performance and social progress made some constructive recommendations in this regard:
- look at income and consumption rather than production
- take a household perspective
- look at how people spend their time working. This is comparable both over the years and across countries.

The Alain Supiot Report (2001) proposes a citizenship rights in the arena of work that would cover the transition between different kinds of activity such as market and non-market work, training and re-training.

Next steps – some suggestions

Accord value to unpaid work
Measure the ecological footprint of different kinds of work, e.g. art
The effect of a basic income on social progress
How zero growth or de-growth affect people’s wellbeing
The added value of a good life / happiness
http://sites.google.com/site/vivanstorlund/basicincomeamagicwand


[151] The Potential of an Unconditional Basic Income within Social Security Systems in Europe, Wolfgang Müller, Lund, Schweden
Many have argued that social risk has been increased for individuals because unbearable responsibilities have been shifted to them in the recent years through globalisation and neo-liberal processes. This shift erodes existing security structures and represents a threat for the well-being of individuals. Others have argued that an unconditional basic income (UBI) would address several economical and social security issues and it, therefore, would provide means to strengthen the position of individuals to meet these increased challenges.
Although there is some support to replace existing social security schemes with an UBI, most advocates prefer only a partly substitution. Due to varying social security schemes have been developed in Europe, it is necessary to ask how an UBI might interact with these different schemes. Thus, this paper intends to investigate conditions and potentials of an UBI within social security systems in Europe. The aim is to detect differences of social security in different welfare systems with an implemented UBI rather than differences of social security with or without an UBI.
In order to answer this research question it seems useful to use Esping-Andersen typology of welfare states for operational reasons and providing contextual understanding, despite of critique on the categorization of welfare states. Hence, this paper will mainly focus on social security systems in the United Kingdom, Germany and Sweden since these countries have been used as preferred examples in welfare and social security literature.


[152] A rule-of-thumb citizen’s income model for the UK, with and without an earnings/income disregard, Ms. Anne Miller, Edinburgh, United Kingdom
A Citizen’s Income (CI) scheme (Miller, 2009) based on the benchmarks provided by the Minimum Income Standards for the UK, published in 2008, yielded Full, Partial and Child CIs that were proportions 0.56, 0.26 and 0.26 respectively of average income per head of man, woman and child (Y-BAR) in the UK in 2007.
A rule-of-thumb model (for illustrative purposes), with the amounts for the CIs at 0.50, 0.25 and 0.25 of Y-BAR respectively, could be financed from a new flat-rate income tax (replacing the current income tax system and the UK National Insurance contributions) of 40% on all sources of income and without tax loopholes. Those above pension-entitlement age, those with disabilities, carers-of-last-resort and the responsible parent of a dependent child would receive a Full CI, which would enable them to live modestly without having to top up their incomes from earnings, but they could undertake paid work if they wished.
However, it would be preferable on both equity and efficiency grounds, if there were an earnings/income disregard (no income tax paid) for those receiving the Partial CI, until their net income schedule meets and merges with the Full CI schedule. This will occur when the gross income is equal to 0.50 of Y-BAR, and the net income is then 0.75 of Y-BAR. (Y-BAR in 2010 was £17,288.54 pa, or £331.56 pw, and this would determine the amounts for the CIs for the fiscal year 2012-13). This more progressive income tax version is more expensive, requiring an income tax rate of 50% on all other income. However, this reduces the effective tax rate (Marginal Withdrawal Rate) for most people on low incomes. The redistribution effects and labour market incentives of each version are explored.
Miller, Anne G, Minimum Income Standards: A Challenge for Citizen’s Income, Citizen’s Income Newsletter, 2009/3, pp. 6-14, www.citizensincome.org.
Minimum Income Standards, 2008, Centre for Research in Social Policy, Loughborough University: www.minimumincomestandard.org/ready_reckoner.htm.


[153] Mr. Yannick Vanderborght, Diego HERNANDEZ, Philippe VAN PARIJS ,Brussels, Belgium
The workshop will be organized at the initiative of Diego HERNANDEZ and Yannick VANDERBORGHT, both at the Hoover Chair in Louvain University, Belgium. Philippe VAN PARIJS will introduce the discussion. Up to four other speakers from different EU-countries (ideally Eurozone countries) will be invited to give a presentation. At this stage, we still need to receive firm commitments in this respect.


[154] Rethinking democracy. The new concept of work and the fundamental right to an income - presentation and talk, Johannes Stüttgen, Werner Küppers and Brigitte Krenkers
The artist Johannes Stüttgen, student in the masterclass of Joseph Beuys, and Werner Küppers, OMNIBUS FOR DIRECT DEMOCRACY, both promote a new cultural impulse: the idea of Direct Democracy and the fundamental right to an income. The process leading towards the implementation of these fundamental rights is ART. It provides the necessary change to a modern social order for the future which is based on self-determination. Joseph Beuys referred to this new social order as SOCIAL SCULPTURE which is shaped by each individual on the basis of self-determination and equality. Direct democracy, i.e. a referendum, is a prerequisite for an Unconditional Basic Income (UBI), even if this may seem a paradox. We ourselves are called to implement this in any possible way – e.g. by means of Direct Democracy, for this income is provided for the individual by society as a whole. So the answer to the question of an UBI can be found if we first have a comprehensive approach to society as a whole. Approaches other than that have so far seemed less interesting.
(Translated from German by Tanja Christen)


[155] Wolfgang Eichhorn, Germany
As editor (together with Götz Werner and Lothar Friedrich) of the anthology (of almost thirty articles on basic income) “Basic Income. Critical acclaim – evaluation – ways”, who himself contributes four articles (together with co-authors) and who intimately knows the other contributions because of editing them, I shall present: “The topics of the congress highlighted in the new anthology ‘Basic Income’”.
The volume will be published in May/June. In it you will find answers to almost all your questions.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[156] A Roadmap to Basic Income: Lessons from Iran’s Nationwide Scheme, Hamid Tabatabai, Dr.,Echenevex, France
In December 2010, Iran became the first country in the world to establish a nationwide basic income scheme. Nearly the entire population of 75 million is now receiving a ‘cash subsidy’ of about US$40 per person every month. Interestingly, the scheme did not emerge by design but by default: it was the by-product of an effort to reform an outdated system of price subsidies, mainly on fuel products. A basic income, to put it simply, proved to be the most practical way of compensating the population for the loss of subsidies that had been costing over US$100 billion a year.
The paper examines the early results of Iran’s experience as it approaches its second anniversary with a view to identifying potential lessons that could inform roadmaps to basic income in future. The lessons are varied and cover political strategies for promoting basic income, financing options, advantages of linking up with other national issues, overcoming objections rooted in the principle of reciprocity, the trade-off between universality of coverage and the amount of basic income, constituency building, etc. The most important lesson however is probably that success in advancing basic income may depend less on advocacy efforts than on the existence of suitable objective conditions and the ability to identify and build on them.


[158] BASIC INCOME AND DEEPENING DEMOCRACY, Mr. Gwang-eun Choi, Seoul, South Korea
Although there have been a wide range of discussions on Basic Income, there still exists a lack of debate over correlation between Basic Income and democracy. In spite of that, it is widely believed that implementation of a basic income can contribute to democratization of a society to some degree. It is therefore needed more clearly explain how a basic income gives rise to democratic transformation at both practical and theoretical levels to redress the imbalance between this widespread belief and its insufficient grounds.
There are two main arguments in this paper. one is that there are some explicit linkages between Basic Income and the development of democracy. The theory of justification for Basic Income would be more persuasive and powerful if this attempt proves to be successful. The other is that the concept and understanding of democracy itself would be improved to be less ambiguous through this work. Not only that, I would argue that democracy expanded and renovated by a means of Basic Income will open new horizons.
Everyone has their own image of democracy, so it can be argued that there is incommensurability among a variety of versions of democracy people have. However, I am sure that we can find out ways of developing and deepening democracy as well as realizing a basic income on condition that commensurability is provided by Basic Income to let the public reach a common goal based on the same perception of our democracy.


[159] Ecological Expansion of Basic Income: Beyond Capitalism, Mingull Jeung, Dr., Gongju, Chungnam, South Korea
Discussions on basic income mostly presume that the capitalism is an appropriate, at least practical, system for a human society. The basic income is an auxiliary tool to guarantee social justice by minimizing side effect of capitalism. The future economic system, however, would not be the same as the today. In future no human labor would be needed to produce commodities. Most work will be institutional and operational. No labor, but only capital. Thus we have to prepare for such a future. What should a social and economic system be in future? What kind of institutional and operational relation among persons will be just? In nature nearly no organisms produce their food. Organisms of previous steps in a food chain just flourish and organisms of next steps eat only some of them. Unlike what Darwin assumed, in nature, food is not frequently in shortage. It is difficult to find concrete examples of extinction caused by competition among species. Only in human societies, supply is not frequently enough to survive or satisfy limitless desire. Of course, we cannot say that organismal world is just, or more just than human world. Human being, however, always tries to evaluate anything, even nature. Thus ecologist devised tools to evaluate conceptual goodness of ecosystems. One of them is the concept of biodiversity. The higher the value of biodiversity is, the better the ecosystem is. Higher biodiversity does not simply mean more number of species in an ecosystem than in other ecosystems. It tells us more even distribution of species in the ecosystem than in others. The concept of biodiversity would provide conceptual foundation for basic income, therefore, social justice, and a devising frame for fair future societies without traditional labor. I will discuss ecological expansion of basic income.


[160] Towards Abolition of Wage-Slavery: Mapping the Basic Income Debates in Japan, TADASHI OKANOUCHI, Machida, Japan
Current basic income debates in Japan can be mapped according to two questions: 1. Can we create vitalized communities? 2. Can we control globalized economy?
1. Some authors are against basic income, because it will accelerate commercialization of individuals’ life and social exclusion of the unemployed. They tend to emphasize the role of state. However, others approve basic income, because it will stimulate non-commercialized life of individuals and social inclusion of the unemployed. They emphasize the role of society.
2. Some are against basic income, because only a strong welfare-state with activation policy can control (or cope with) the globalized economy. Others approve basic income, because only strong free society supported by economically empowered citizens can control (or survive in) the globalized economy.
In those debates, a historical point of view that the very concept of full basic income implies abolition of wage-slavery (indirect forced labor), seems neglected. Global social movement towards abolition of wage-slavery like the global abolitionist movement in the 19th century could create a new stage for basic income debates both in Japan and in other countries.


[161] Re-open a debate on Basic income in Italy: observation by a pilot project., Dora Gambardella, Dr. ,Napoli, Italy
Italy represents an anomalous case in Europe for the lack of universal programmes of income support. After the brief experiment of the Minimum Insertion Income (RMI), that was inspired by existing measures in other countries like France and Germany, some Italian regions have designed and financed by own resources measures similar to RMI, many of which are no longer force, also to the more general reduction in spending on social policies. Especially in southern regions of the country - where is concentrated the highest proportion of poor families - these measures have not been extended to all rights holders (as poor or very poor) but paid on the basis of a ranking of need, given the inability to integrate the few regional economic resources with national funds. This results from the recent constitutional reform that leaves the Italian regions on their own in this field, with a substantial retreat of the responsibilities of the central state. Despite the limits determined by the disproportion between the many poor and few economic resources available, these regional experiences are likely to be hastily dismissed as no longer replicable and generalizable to the entire audience of claimants, which is not reflected sufficiently on outcomes the various regional trials, their limitations and their potential. This paper aims to reconstruct the Italian context on the issue and take stock of the experience of the Citizen's Income in Campania (an Italian region) in the belief that this could be useful to re-open a debate on the subject of Basic Income, in Italy and in Europe. The paper focuses on a pilot project to throw light on the audience of potential beneficiaries and the changes observed in the same beneficiaries in terms of impact assessment.


[162] The Struggle over Interpretation: Basic Income in the Finnish Public Discussion in 2006-2012, Ms. Johanna Perkiö, johanna.perkio@uta.fi, PhD student, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Tampere, Helsinki, Finland
The emergence and development of welfare systems have been explained by factors such as socio-economic structures, class-related insterests, power-recources and institutional traditions. Growing attention has also been paid to the role of the ideas and discourses. Political debate is not only about arguing the facts or interests, but also a struggle over cultural hegemony.
Studies have shown that framing, i.e. the way of presenting and arguing the idea plays a significant role in how it is received by the public and decision-makers. The frames can be understood as different lenses through which a political issue is viewed. The basic income discourse is searching a balance between dominating values and paradigms and generating new understandings of the social reality. Different frames highlight different aspects of the idea; some of which are trying to gain credibility by merging with the existing political paradigms and others rather attempting to enlarge the space for what is conceived feasible by changing the ways of thinking.
The paper discusses framing of the idea of basic income in Finnish public discussion in the period of 2006-2012. What kind of frames can be found in the public discussion on basic income in Finland in 2006-2012? How the problems and desired solutions are defined in each frame? What is the relation of the frames to each other?


[164] Unconditional basic income – a human right?, Valerie Timm
Looking at modern western industrialized countries the big influence of monetary means is noticeable. Without its adequate supply there is no participation in cultural, social and political areas of societies. Furthermore, as UN committee member Jean Ziegler recently pointed out: democracy cannot be lived.
Empirical studies have shown that, if an adequate amount of money is not available, a completely different vita may result. Not only income and social status depend on it but also the environment where you grow up and live as well as your credit standing. Furthermore, renting housing depends on how much income one earns because landlords want to rely on secure rental income. Income does not only ensure one’s own subsistence but is responsible for the most important decisions in life, e.g. deciding about starting a family.
Unconditionally guaranteed basic income could be seen as a solution of this problem area. In this abstract I want to discuss two theses, both of which support the concept of unconditional basic income as a global human right.
The first thesis deals with the influence of equality on the welfare of a society (Wilkinson/Picket 2009). One could say that equal societies are all in all advantageous for the entire society because of the many positive effects they generate. The less equal a society is the higher is the danger of poverty, distrust, crime, health and drug problems, lower education and social mobility.
The other thesis follows John Rawls’s normative “Theory of justice” (Rawls 1971). He brings forward the argument of a hypothetical “veil of ignorance”, behind which not all contractual partners are aware of their place in the newly to be defined social order. Furthermore, the participants may not know their social status, their abilities, their income, their talents, their preferences, aversions, desires and needs. Not to know all this, should ensure a vote for an order as just as possible because nobody wants to take a low position. This is the reason that all positions should be equipped as humanely as possible.
If Rawls’s normative postulate of a just social order is transferred, the unconditional basic income could be called its assumed “veil of ignorance” and in this sense as a stipulated human right. The unconditional basic income disbursed could help leveling the degree of inequality and thus support a fairer and happier society.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[167] Two norms of income distribution: performance fairness or welfare orientation?, Ingmar Kumpmann, Germany
In this presentation, two norm concepts of income distribution shall be compared. According to the currently socially dominant norm concept, income should be distributed on the merit of individual performance. This is based on the ideal of bartering as a balance of give and take. Income independent of performance in the form of public transfers should be an exception ensuring survival of people who cannot help themselves. Performance fairness is not the focal point of this conception.
An alternative norm consists of orienting oneself according to the maximal welfare for all. This makes a distribution necessary that allows as strongly as possible for the needs but at the same time gives an incentive to contribute to the conservation of wealth. Here, income differentials cannot be deduced from the idea of performance fairness and neither from the ideal of give and take but solely pragmatically from the incentive. To the extent as technical progress makes incentives expendable, the legitimation of performance-based income dwindles. Here, income without performance, as could be implemented through the unconditional basic income, is not an exception but normality for all. What percentage of national income could be distributed independent of performance and what percentage needs to be distributed based on performance in order to maintain material incentives depends on several factors, e.g. the level of labor productivity and the intrinsic immaterial performance motivation.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[168] Basic income – A transcultural perspective, Erik Christensen, Former associate professor, Aalborg University & Christian Ydesen, Assistant professor, Aalborg University
The contemporary global economic and financial system is under severe pressure. This has induced widespread concerns, insecurity and discontent among the world population.
Basic income is a measure rooted in a fundamentally different view on economics and the importance of economic security for human lives to flourish.
The main arguments for basic income as advocated by the worldwide organisation, Basic Income Earth Network (BIEN), are the eradication of poverty and hunger, the liberation of the individual from systemic conformity demands, the spark of creativity, diversity, and multiplicity, the empowerment of people to live the life they want, and the restoration of personal dignity.
But the idea of basic income emerges from a Western philosophical view on the individual and the economy; a view that might not be compatible with other philosophical views and cultural perspectives.
Using the trans-cultural methodology of Johan Galtung centred on the notion of basic needs in conjunction with development models and a concept of deep-culture, deep-nature and deep-structure, the purpose of this paper is to explore in-depth the philosophical and religious compatibilities of basic income as a truly global solution to counter the concerns, insecurities and discontents generated by the current global economic system.
Furthermore, the paper seeks to investigate how non-Western religious and philosophical worldviews might help sharpen and enhance existing basic income arguments.
Key words: Basic Income, Culture, Trans-cultural methodology
Literature
Christensen, Erik (2000) Borgerløn, Hovedland
Christensen, Erik; Lieberkind, Karsten; Ydesen, Christian (2007) Retten til basisindkomst, NSU Press
Galtung, Johan – A theory of development
Galtung, Johan - 50 years – 25 Intellectual Landscapes Explored
Galtung, Johan & MacQueen Graeme (2008) Globalizing God - Religion, Spirituality and Peace. Transcend University Press
Seekings, Jeremy – Prospects for basic income in developing countries
Standing, Guy (2009) Work after globalization, Edward Elgar Publishing
Van Parijs, Ph. (éd.) (2004) Cultural Diversity versus Economic Solidarity, De Boeck Université (Bibliothèque scientifique Francqui)


[169] Basic income and the abolition of privileges, Erik Christensen, former associate professor, Aalborg University, Karsten Lieberkind, M.A., University of Copenhagen
The current economic system allows for a wide range of economic privileges which is contrary to the democratic way of thinking (based on equality and the abolition of all privileges). This affects the general welfare as it inhibits the efficient allocation of the means of production and at the same time creates a concentration of wealth which leads to an increasing strain on the environment.
The right to create money is a very profitable economic privilege. In today's financial system, this privilege is almost completely in the hands of the private banks. Land is the source of tremendous natural and social resources, and its value is increased as society develops. The current economic system allows landowners to harvest the profit from this increase in value although it is not due to any effort on the part of the landowners.
Among employees, there are those who earn a very high salary and who can always find a job and there are those who can only earn a modest salary and are often unemployed or never even enter the labor market. The former group enjoys, as it were, an economic privilege from "inheritance and environment".
A monetary reform which transfers the right to the creation of money from the private banks to the national bank to the exclusion of such economic privileges, a land interest reform that collects rent to the community, and a basic income reform that provides everyone with a fundamental economic security and freedom, will create a solid foundation for an alternative sustainable economy. Moreover, it will provide a better normative justification for a basic income, which, following such
a reform, will have the character of a social dividend based on an equal right to naturally created values (rents) and socially created values (seigniorage).


[170] The economic sustainability of a Basic Income under the Citizen-oriented Monetary Regime, Tomohiro Inoue, Dr., Tokyo, Japan
This paper indicates the presence of an inexhaustible source of seigniorage, and proposes that we should change the existing monetary regime, under which seigniorage is distributed unfairly and opaquely. Moreover, the paper confirms that a basic income financed by seigniorage is sustainable under the newly-proposed monetary regime.
Macro dynamic analyses in Tsuzuki and Inoue (2010) and Inoue and Tsuzuki(2011) provide the conclusion that the money growth rate lower than the technological change rate brings long-run deflation and negative output gap.
The conclusion implicates that the money growth is possible and necessary to the extent that technological change exists. In other words, an inexhaustible source of seigniorage is constant technological change. Hence, the distribution of seigniorage to citizens may be sustainable.
However, in fact, seigniorage is distributed unfairly and opaquely under the existing monetary regime (i.e., "bank-oriented monetary regime"), because a majority of money is created by commercial banks. Seigniorage is not distributed directly to citizens, but is probably given to banks as "a hidden subsidy" (Huber and Robertson 2000).
Therefore, we should change the "bank-oriented monetary regime" to the "citizen-oriented monetary regime", which has following two features: First, commercial banks are prohibited from credit creation ("100% money" by Fisher 1935). Second, a central bank distributes money directly to citizens ("national dividend" by Douglas 1924).
If the technological change rate is 2%, the amount of the "national dividend" could increase at a rate of 2%, under the "citizen-oriented monetary regime". If it be so, the dividend amount will surpass the basic living expense some day. Thus, a basic income financed by seigniorage will be feasible and sustainable, to the extent that the technological change rate is positive.


[171] The necessity and distributional effects of ecological basic income in Korea, Nam Hoon Dr. Kang, Seoul, South Korea
The object of this paper is to explain the necessity and effects of ecological basic income in Korea. In this paper, ecological basic income means the policy of distributing revenues raised by ecological tax to every individual without any condition. Ecological basic income is needed to reduce people’s resistance against ecological tax.
In Korea, there are 21 nuclear plants in operation, and seven more are under construction. Korea has the highest nuclear density in the world. After the Fukusima nuclear plant accident, more and more Koreans are beginning to realize the risk of nuclear plants. But it is not easy to stop nuclear plants, because Korea’s electricity consumption per unit of GDP is the highest in the world.
The only way to reduce the consumption of electricity is to impose ecological tax on energy. As ecological tax reduces people’s real income, it is necessary to compensate for the loss through one way or another.
Although most countries adopted income tax credit when they imposed ecological tax, this paper argues that income tax credit is not appropriate in the case of Korea, and that ecological basic income is much better than income tax credit. This paper also measures the distributional effects of ecological basic income in Korea.


[173] Basic income and universal health insurance, Michael Opielka, Wolfgang Strengmann-Kuhn, Germany
Sometimes, basic income is considered an alternative to social security which is being replaced by basic income. Certainly, this is neither necessary for financial reasons nor is a complete abolishment of social securities desirable because, in addition to a financial basis for all, a certain degree of securing the living standard by way of social benefits is reasonable. But social securities need to be reformed to universal health insurances to be financed by all with contributions from all incomes. Such universal health insurances would not be in conflict with basic income but would be complementary, among others because they are both based on a comparable social system and pursue similar objectives. It is even conceivable that basic income and universal health insurance not only exist side by side but basic income payments are integrated into social security (basic income guarantee). Thus, another advantage results regarding the practical implementation of basic income. The missing reciprocity leading to opposition against basic income would be canceled because the right of basic income is generated from payments into the universal health insurance. But if everyone pays into the universal health system it ultimately implies that everyone receives basic income.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[175] Step by step into paradise – but how?, Wolfgang Strengmann-Kuhn, Germany
To be honest, the introduction of a basic income for all in one step is not very realistic. Possibly such a big bang is not even desirable because of the danger that basic income is being introduced in a form socio-politically undesirable and/or with negative economic effects. Therefore, it seems to be indicated to look for ways to introduce basic income step by step. Generally, two approaches are conceivable: one is the introduction of a partial basic income below the poverty line, through which existing systems of minimum benefits are replaced only partially. The other one would be to start group by group. Also a combination of both could be possible. In the paper proposals are described and discussed that together lead to a basic income for all but that could also be introduced successively. Thus, a technically feasible as well as politically realistic introduction of basic income is shown.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[176] Reflections on Developing a National Campaign in Ireland, Mr. John Baker, Anne B. Ryan, Dublin, Ireland
In May 2011, a number of people got together to reactivate BIEN Ireland, which is one of BIEN’s oldest national affiliates. This paper will give a brief narrative of the activities of the group over its first 15 months. Because many of the members had not previously been involved in BIEN, our aim was to develop an approach to our objectives and strategy that involved the development of shared understandings and mutual learning. Recognising the limits on participation set by people’s other commitments, we aimed to spread the workload in ways that were sustainable and inclusive. This paper will give us a chance to reflect on what we have achieved and failed to achieve, to share our experience with other networks, and use feedback at the Congress to learn from the experience of others.


[177] Is Basic Income exploitative or justified?: Critique of Van Donselaar‘s Conception of the Basic Income as exploitative and Reconstruction of the Marxisian Basic Income, No-Wan Kwack,(University of Seoul, South Korea)
Van Donselaar criticized Van Parijs’ argument for basic income as an anti-exploitative. According to him, basic income is more exploitative than anti-exploitative because Lazy receives the proceeds of Crazy’s labor. Henceforth, Van Donselaar formulates the principle of equality-based progressive satiation distributed only to the laborer including the unvoluntary unemployed as an alternative to basic income. But the two dimension of exploition (of labor) and expropriation (of property) in capitalism may be converted into the labor income as a ditribution “according to work” plus basic income as a distribution “according to needs”. Then, basic income would be not exploitive because it comes not from other‘s labor but from the right to common property which was expropriated by capitalists and so on in capitalism.
1. Is the root of wealth labor?
2. Exploitation and expropriation vs. basic income
3. The principle of alternative society : sustainable maximal basic income + labor income


[179] Eco-communism and basic income; review and transformation of Marx and Daly, Jeong-Im Kwon
This article includes two topics.
The first deals with the critical transformation of the communistic approaches of Marx and his outline of an ecologically sustainable reproduction system, where basic income functions as a transitory moment on the way to this system and at the same time as a reproduction moment of this system. For most theorists of basic income of today the justice of the supply of basic income lies primarily in the fact that the source of social wealth including nature is common to all. In the outline of communism of Marx this observation is integrated. Furthermore, his outline is characterized by ecology. For these two reasons this article of the idea of basic income of today follows the outline of communism of Marx. For the first theme of the article the analysis of capitalism and the design of communism in the critique of the political economy of Marx as well as the critique of the Gotha Program are critically reviewed.
Secondly, the article deals with the outline of a theory concerning an ecological basic income which serves as transitory moment on the way to an ecological society, i.e. a communist society, and at the same time as reproduction moment of this society. Robertson and Daly in connection with the outline of an ecologically sustainable reproduction system of the first part of this article are reviewed and transformed.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[180] Financing and practical implementation of unconditional basic income according to the Transfer Limits Model, Helmut Pelzer, Philipp Wiemes, Germany
Because of the many conflicting basic income models it is essential for the concrete implementation to evaluate them as to their purely numerical and political feasibility. This shall be realized below for the Transfer Limits Model developed by Ute Fischer and Helmut Pelzer.
First, the model will be introduced. Short and comprehensible, the mathematical basis of the variable proposal will be explained and optional extensions presented. The Transfer Limits Model differs in important points from other existing models of unconditional basic income (UBI). In this context, in particular the following needs to be mentioned: the variability of the UBI height as well as the different rates of fiscal charges, the option of payment without cross-financing and also the fact that not all citizens of all income levels participate.
In order to identify “Ways to basic income” and to realize UBI as a long-term objective, the strategy needs to be geared to existing opinions of the population towards work and income. That above a still to be defined income (transfer limit) UBI will not be disbursed fits in well with the ethical views of many citizens and critics of basic income in Germany.
The implementation of UBI would generally imply a fundamental change of our social systems. Its impact and correlating effects cannot be assessed empirically at our current level of knowledge and scientifically not be predicted.
Therefore, in accordance with the principle of caution, a system of variable rates of fiscal charges, variable amounts of UBI and revenue-neutral financing constitutes an advantage. These and other arguments in favor of the Transfer Limits Model, e.g. the Europe-wide applicability, shall be discussed in detail in the presentation. Furthermore, a way for practical testing will be identified. Later, there is the chance of asking questions and entering into the discussion.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[181] "Deutsches BGE" and "International BIG" - Two joined projects ?, Harald Gropp,Heidelberg, Germany
It will be discussed how the national and the international discussions on a basic income grant can be better connected in the future, how they are related, how the many campaigns can learn from each other and how the competition of national ideas can lead to a broader and more successful solidarity and cooperation on the way to a BIG in the (hopefully) near future.


[187] Santo Antonio do Pinhal, Brazil - A Feasible Path to Basic Income in Brazil, Marina Nobrega, Dr., Tereza Nakagawa, Francisco G. Nobrega, Eduardo M. Suplicy
President Lula sanctioned a law in 2004, creating a Citizen’s Basic Income (CBI) to be implemented step by step, starting with the neediest. Only the municipality of Santo Antonio do Pinhal (SAP), in the State of São Paulo, approved a law to implement a CBI locally, in a pioneer way. Residents, the mayor, and Senator E. Suplicy, since 2007, work to debate and explain the importance and benefits of the unconditional basic income for all. We believe that, as the Bolsa Familia Program (BF), the CBI could also start locally. The city established a fund, managed by a board of citizens, to pay the basic income. Senator Suplicy approved a federal budget amendment that will provide one million reais in 2012. That amount is well below what is needed to pay a CBI to its 6,595 inhabitants. Fortunately the BF program is taking care of the neediest in SAP, as elsewhere in Brazil, where it reaches about 50 million out of 191 million people. We suggest that the feasible and gradual way to start a CBI is with the new generations. By January 2013, all babies born could receive a monthly stipend (70 reais or more), irrespective of their economic situation. We hope to start this social experiment in the city of SAP. The one million reais fund plus the ~ 80,000 reais that the city can provide each year, allow the program to run for 4-5 years without extra input. In the meantime we hope that the Federal Government, by the hands of President Dilma V. Rousseff, will assume the program for the entire country, contributing to the financial security of the new generation, amidst a marked reduction in birth-rate. In this scenario, young and educated people are the essential “natural resource” to solve the problems of tomorrow, as pointed by Julian L. Simon.
1 Parque Tecnológico de São José dos Campos, setor UNESP, S.J. Campos, SP
2 Faculdade de Odontologia, UNESP, S. J. Campos, SP
3 Senator, Brazilian Republic and professor of management, Fundação Getúlio Vargas, São Paulo, SP


[188] Basic Income's fund and Equity of Taxation: A defense of progressive income tax without tax credit, Murakami Shinji, Dr., Kyoto, Japan
Basic Income and related schemes are various forms. This presentation supposes that people should enjoy real freedom and well-being's level over baseline (decent standard of living) by uniform basic income and need adjusted income support / social service. Some research claims that basic income is mainly financed by flat income tax which is abolished income tax credit. However, tax credits have regard for the ability to pay tax in common social categories (family member, disability, age etc.), whether to permit abolishment of tax credits is open to question. On the other hand, there is the issue that basic income's fund is better progressive income tax than flat income tax.
The purpose of this presentation is to examine these two problems in term from equity of taxation. In this presentation, equity of taxation is characterized by two aspects. First aspect of equity of taxation is vertical equity which reflects the ability to pay tax. Second aspect of equity of taxation is related to whether each individual real freedom and well-being's level exceed baseline.
This presentation's main conclusions are the following. For first problem which is whether to permit abolishment of tax credits, this presentation asserts that the abolishment of tax credits is justified by the introduction of need adjusted income support. Because need adjusted income support has more redistribution effect than tax credit. For second problem which is the choice between flat income tax and progressive income tax, this presentation asserts that the least advantageous people should bear less tax burden and receive net income by redistribution in term from equity of taxation, therefore progressive income tax is better than flat income tax to finance basic income.


[189] Eun Sil Bark-Yi, Dr., Seoul, South Korea
When the issue of Basic Income is discussed from feminist perspective, it seems that it is usually done so in regard to the issue of gender role. As the issue of gender role in this regard is mainly discussed in the frame of heterosexual couple, usually, in marital relationship, it often leaves out women who do not follow conventional type of relationship such as lesbian, single woman with no intention of marriage, sex worker, teen age who live independently, single mother etc. When one examines the potential of basic income for the women's liberation, those women's subject position should be taken into serious consideration too. It is more so because firstly the marriage rate gets lower, secondly, types of relationship gets change over time, and thirdly, heterosexual marriage system is an apparatus that sustains current gender norms and hierarchy on one hand, hierarchy of sexuality on the other hand. This papers argues that the feminist proponents of basic income should discuss the issue beyond hetero normativity. For that, the paper examines a case of single woman in South Korea who was a promising but poor script writer lived alone and died of hunger and illness in 2011.


[190] Ms. Syahadah Rizka Anefi, Semarang, Indonesia
In this article we consider the potential of a Basic Income (BI) as a
mechanism for promoting well-integrated and autonomous social and productive
development in newly independent Democratic Republic of East Timor, and for
expanding the freedom of this country’s population that is struggling to throw off the
bitter legacy of colonial and postcolonial dispossession and violence. We briefly
outline the main social and economic problems faced by the new Democratic
Republic of East Timor. Then we argue that a BI financed by oil and natural gas
revenues could play a major role in combating these problems.
Keywords – development, domestic economy, financing models, freedom, natural
resources.


[191] Unconditional basic income and participation in natural resources – a plan by stages for ecological basic supply, Harald J. Orthaber
We, in the rich countries, find ourselves in a hamster wheel of a socio-ecological destructive linking of “money”, “lobbying” and “representative democracy”. The social and economic situation is characterized by hyper consumption, a cutback of jobs and a growing gap between the concentration of capital and poverty (lack of money). An increasing deterioration of the environment and the supply with natural resources (renewable raw materials and energy) are imminent because of overexploitation and the change of climate. What chances could be found to escape unscathed?
At first, some questions need to be asked, e.g. – does the majority of people assess the situation the same way? Do we want to or are we as simple citizens actually able to change something?
Is it possible that, in view of the clear diagnosis, our actions could not be any different within the existing system without identifiable social and ecological frameworks and with unchanged instruments and objectives like full employment with gainful occupation, economic growth and last but not least the money supply policy and restrictive monetary policy given the dependence on money in all aspects of life?
Should that not imply that a new era of social interaction and economic activities is almost mandatorily imminent, made possible by new communication media that convey the menacingly close environmental changes and experiences from earlier times of crisis?
Could the (new) objective be “a good life for all?” – A life in freedom, dignity and security? Do the existing social structures need to be changed fundamentally? Does this have any bearing on the area of environment and if so how much? Generally, many agree on the fact that jointly social and ecological solutions need to be found. Could it be that particularly the combination of new social and ecological solution models facilitates or actually helps implement a package solution? What do we have in common and what else is necessary?
These questions are clarified in my paper, frame solutions are offered, and a possible path for their implementation is outlined. As with the unconditional basic income the implementation should be achieved solely on the basis of a political act of free will. The instruments could be interlocked by way of a plan by stages.
(Translated from German by Renate Dreher)


[192] Christiane Maringer
The KPÖ has conducted a discourse about an unconditional guaranteed base income since around 2006. Along the way, we considered partial solutions sensible and have developed two concrete projects in this direction: Assured basic energy supply and free use of public transport. Both projects relate to ecology and guaranteed base income and connect social and ecological aspects related to non-monetary access to ensured survival.
The concept of assured basic energy supply for everyone derives from a growing deprivation of an affordable supply to the less affluent as manifested in payment defaults resulting in the shutdown of amenities such as light, heat, electricity and gas. Every household should be entitled to a minimum allotment of free power and light to ensure that living quarters are not forced into darkness and cold.
Assured basic energy supply for everyone is part and parcel of ensuring the survival of the people as a whole. The objection that such a policy does not allow for social differentiation is answered with the argument that such differentiation is achieved by the higher rates of tax on higher incomes and accumulated wealth.
The ecological connection therein is the reduction of waste and creation of incentive for economic resource management. Currently, the service charge for energy supply is an unproportionally greater bourdon for households with low income and low energy use and actually rewards profligate energy waste. One important aspect of an assured energy allocation is the potential for progressively increasing the price of energy used in excess of the gratis allocation. The basis for any such price progression might proceed from the average consumption of a two person household estimated to be 2,200 kWh of electricity and 800 cM of gas for a 602 Meter dwelling.
This concept is postulated on public energy supply subject to governmental and thereby political control. The Constitution does provide that there be predominant public ownership of utilities but in fact most electricity providers are publically owned by virtue of shares traded on the market by private companies embedded in global corporations. Consequently, the cost for the energy contingent allocated to basic energy supply needs to be financed from the profits of the providers as well as from higher rates for excessive consumption.
The topic “Energy Poverty” has been increasingly taken up by a number of different institutions. In this connection a number of suggestions have been tabled which indicate that a potential coalition of interests may be forming to facilitate the realization of guaranteed energy access allotments.
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[193] Basic Income and Feminism: in terms of care, Ms. Kaori Katada, Saitama, Japan
The argument about basic income is sometimes considered as “gender-blind”. And mainstream feminism rarely brings up basic income as an issue they should consider seriously in Japan. As a reflection of these contexts, there seems to be few intersections of these two.
In this presentation, I propose an exploratory consideration for a productive intersection of Basic Income and Feminism in order to consider the implication of Basic Income for women. In particular I shed light on the implication of Basic Income on gender division of labour and “care”.
First, in order to explore these issues, I analyze this implication of Basic Income through comparison with Caretaker benefit at theoretical level. Basic Income is not payment for care work but is assumed to have some implications for care work. Caretaker benefit is a benefit paid directly for care work. This policy concept has garnered the support of some feminists because it can serve as a benefit payment for care giving that is considered beneficial for society but in most cases remains unpaid. However, it carries the risk of confining women to the home, being a payment for the woman's "contribution" in the home. On the other hand, Basic Income is an unconditional benefit payment, not a payment for care work so that it can avoid this risk.
Second, I hold up a new Japanese child allowance “Kodomo Teate*” which was introduced in 2010 and debates on it in order to get a clue to think about the relationship between an unconditional, universal benefit like basic income or “Kodomo Teate” and “care” at practical level.
*This “Kodomo Teate” scheme itself was replaced in 2012 (two years after its introduction) by the improved version of the old child allowance “Jidou Teate” which was income-tested.


[195] Basic income, resource taxation, and inequality: Egalitarian reservations about tax shifting, Howard Michael, Dr., Orono, Maine, United States
Should a state experiencing a resource boom replace its revenue from income tax with resource revenue as did Alaska? Or should it continue to finance government with income tax, and channel most of the resource wealth into a fund like the Alaska Permanent Fund, and finance a dividend like the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD), at a higher level? Some left libertarians oppose income taxation as a violation of self-ownership. So they would be inclined to support citizen dividends only after eliminating income taxes. But most liberal egalitarians have no opposition to income taxation per se.
This paper defends income taxation against libertarian objections, and argues that up to a subsistence level of basic income, it is more progressive to fund government through income taxes and pay out a dividend similar to the PFD, than to fund government through resource taxes, while paying lower dividends.
Note: I categorized this under "big picture" but it could also go under the "what" category.


[196] Piloting Basic Income in Namibia – Critical reflections on the process and lessons learnt, Bishop Zephania Kameeta and Claudia &. Dirk Haarmann, Windhoek, Namibia
In the years 2008 and 2009, the first ever Basic Income Grant pilot project was implemented in Otjivero-Namibia. The project produced well published, extremely encouraging results in terms of social and economic development. The BIG campaign had a substantive support base within civil society, the unions and churches and received impressive international solidarity. Most importantly, the Otjivero squatter camp developed into a vibrant, inspiring community, which gave a living and tangible testimony to hundreds of visitors, national and international journalists, TV crews and researchers.
At the end of the pilot project, the payment with a reduced amount in form of a bridging allowance continued. The allowance was to 'bridge' people over up-until national implementation. However, the payment had to be stopped due to a lack of funds in the beginning of 2012. It is not certain whether and if so when the government in Namibia will consider a national introduction.
Despite the failure to achieve national implementation, the pilot started and has sustained a crucial national and international debate. Yet, it is also time to take stock and to critically analyse the various national and international role-players and their interventions as well as the organisation of the Namibian campaign. This paper looks at the critical factors for successes and failures and analyses the opportunities and lessons for the Namibian campaign and beyond.


[197] UBI and Recognition Theory - A Tangible Step towards an Ideal, Ms Roisin Mulligan, Dublin, Ireland
This paper attempts to advance the philosophical Recognition debate by exploring recognition theory as a means to justify a concrete policy innovation in the form of Universal Basic Income. From the point of view of the BIEN community, the relevance of this research is in exploring in detail the potential effects of UBI on the manner in which individuals value each other, with the help of philosophical theories of the evolution of recognition relations. Having reviewed the Fraser/Honneth ‘redistribution or recognition?’ debate, Honneth’s theory is deemed most suitable for the purpose of a normative justification of UBI. What is of interest in Honneth’s theory is his emphasis on the manner in which recognition principles change over time, through processes of social reproduction and conflicting values, and also his treatment of the importance of reciprocity of recognition. By separating out the various spheres of recognition and their developmental trajectories according to Honneth’s theory, it is possible to bring out the real value of UBI as a concrete policy initiative that will potentially make significant progress towards the recognition ideal.
In line with the theme of this year’s conference, this paper asks whether the desired changes in reciprocal recognition are a pre-requisite for the implementation of UBI, or whether UBI can represent a springboard from which demands for recognition may be renewed and re-energised. The main conclusion is that UBI represents a necessary step in the broadening of relations of reciprocal recognition, but is not in itself a panacea for many of the broader recognition struggles taking place. Thus while it is necessary to acknowledge the limited scope of UBI, I hope to elucidate it as a simple measure that removes several barriers that currently stand in the way of reciprocal recognition relations.


[198] Birnbaum Reconsiders Basic Income: Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality, David Casassas, Barcelona, Spain
The publication of Simon Birnbaum’s Basic Income Reconsidered. Social Justice, Liberalism, and the Demands of Equality (Palgrave, 2012) is a major event in the theoretical discussion of basic income. This panel will gather general comments on Birnbaum’s book by three leading scholars that have influenced the author’s work in important ways: Claus Offe, Carole Pateman and Philippe Van Parijs. The panel will be chaired by David Casassas, who will initially offer a brief introduction to the main ideas of the book. Finally, the author will react to his critics and address other possible comments from the floor.
In the last few decades, debates on basic income and social justice have become increasingly sophisticated and diverse. Basic Income Reconsidered provides an up-to-date assessment of these arguments and presents a novel contribution, with a ’radically-liberal’ justification of basic income at its core. It is radical in the sense that it demands far-reaching equalization of opportunities. It is, at the same time, liberal by holding that people should be free to use their resource shares for a much wider range of life plans than those typically accessible through existing welfare states.
While elements of this conception are inspired by left-libertarian pleas for unconditional grants, the book offers a broader way of thinking about social justice that attends as much to people’s social status as equals as to the distribution of economic resources. One of the book’s key arguments for basic income is based on its potential to simultaneously prevent exploitable dependency and improve the economic prospects of the least advantaged. However, the author stresses the need to analyze basic income in connection with other welfare arrangements, and especially highlights the complex interaction between cash transfers, services, and social ethos.


[199] Precarity and Basic Income, Mikko Jakonen, Jukka Peltokoski, Tero Toivanen, Tampere, Suomi, Finland
The discourse on precarity and precarization of European labour markets and social welfare has inspired activists and radical academics for almost ten years now. Although the concept of precarity has not really reached the masses, the younger generations have adopted the term widely as their own. Ever since the EuroMayDay process until the last mass demonstrations against the European austerity measures, the concept has been used to express the social and political position of new generations.
Even if the notion of basic income is essential in the discourse on precarity, the arguments concerning the precariat are not very popular in basic income discussions. This might follow from the fact that the precarity movement is still quite young. Mainstream social sciences have not adopted the concept yet, and the discourse may sound marginal for the proponents of basic income. The idea of a certain social and political subjectivity behind the demand can even sound suspicious as it opposes more universalistic and rationalistic views about reforming the social security system.
The precariat has demanded basic income as a key solution to the negative aspects of precarious labor markets in the context of rupturing the welfare state (tied to wage labor and national economy). They have emphasized the basic income as a social wage in the era of post-fordism, cognitive capitalism and new services in which the distinction between work and non-work has become impossible to draw. Activists have also argued that there is a new will to autonomy and social production lying behind the precarious social condition that seeks to escape from the wage labor model.
In this paper we open up the problematics of basic income from the point of view of precarity. We analyse the demands expressed by the activists and develop our own understanding on precarity. We try to reach a radical, but consistent argument that speaks for the need of innovative and future oriented model of basic income in the European level.


[200] Basic Income against economic crisis in former Yugoslavia countries, Rados Vidakovic, Zrenjanin, Serbia
Almost all countries of former Yugoslavia, except Slovenia which in 2004 become a member state of EU, have similar economic problems. This area, even before the crisis had a lot of economic problems: civil wars during the breakup of Yugoslavia, NATO bombing, ethnic conflicts, sanctions. Some of the most important social and economic problems of the region are: high unemployment rate, lack of investments, negative trade balance, impoverishment of the population, and negative population growth. These economic problems in the social sphere are reflected in the fact that even the average salary can’t pay an average consumer basket. This reflects negatively on demographics of this region, most countries have a negative population growth (excluding areas of Kosovo, where the highest birth rate in Europe) which has negative impact on the pension system. Also significant number of population wants to leave this region, especially young people.
High unemployment is one of the biggest problems of the region (Serbia 23.7%, Croatia 20.1%, Bosnia and Herzegovina 27.6%, Kosovo (UN Resolution 1244) around 45%). This high rate of unemployment is also the reason for reducing the purchasing power, which is reflected in a decline in retail. Decline in retail mostly affects domestic small and medium enterprises, which again mostly affect the domestic industry, and the final result is an increase in unemployment and imports.
Basic income could boost development of domestic industry in this region. The idea of BI is unknown or very little known in this region. With BI it would be possible to alleviate the economic problems of the region. BI would mean an increase in purchasing power, which would have a positive effect on domestic industry, which is ultimately reflected in the reduction of unemployment and trade deficit. From budget resources of these countries, every country would be able to fund a very modest partial BI, which amount wouldn’t represent a significant purchasing power. What would be a better solution is introduction of partial BI for the some categories of population. Then the partial BI could have an amount that would have a significant purchasing power. As a start could be to introduce a basic income for children (what would be of great help for parents) or introduction of BI for all individuals who meet the age requirements for retirement (thus it would be possible to reform the pension system).


[201] Interpersonal tensions, tensions between cooperating partners; material security favors the learning and exercise of unhindered cooperation., Robert Ulmer
Interpersonal relations always contain the potential for conflict. This is shown in Jean-Paul Sartre’s The Other Person’s Viewpoint which reveals how the individual is objectified in the eye of the beholder. When others are free to treat us as objects we experience a form of fundamental alienation at their hands. The other sees me in a way I would never see myself and possesses thereby the secret of my existence. But is it possible for me at the same time to look back and is it possible for me to go through a personal development whilst remaining an object for others and to carry on an interesting and perhaps happy life amidst the freedom of others? It seems that even a desire for alienation (in the sense described by Sartre) is possible. In order that such relationships with “strangers” can be productive and uplifting it is decisive that individuals are willing to risk openness, embarrassment, disappointment or rejection and are able to learn from their experiences. The same is true for the failure of cooperative efforts.
Threatened by poverty people are pressed into cooperative endeavor. They cannot afford rejection. The power and influence differential in society is so intimidating that it inhibits such learning experiences as would move one to effective self-realization. Learning to cooperate is restricted to drill, becoming acquainted with following directions and orders or satisfying customer wishes. Necessity does not foster invention.
Christoph Spehr shows that „free cooperation“ is possible under the condition that all potential participants are equally able to do without the proposed cooperative endeavor. Only in a situation free from survival fear are conditions conducive to the learning of „free cooperation“ and only then can conflicting elements be resolved productively. In other words, material and social security for all (as with a guaranteed base income) is the prerequisite for the desire and curiosity needed to enter relationships, to take the risk of self-knowledge, to develop empathy and to handle conflicts successfully. People can then handle „horizontal tensions“ among themselves (in contrast to Sloterdijks „vertical tensions“) and experience them as stimulating instead of feeling such tensions to be a threat to their survival.
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[202] The Numbered Treaties on the Canadian Plains: Openings for Basic Income and Other Mechanisms for Economic Security for Indigenous Peoples, James Mulvale, Dr., Saskatchewan, Canada
This paper will examine provisions under the Numbered Treaties (especially Treaty 4 and Treaty 6) that were signed between the First Nations of the Western Canada and the Canadian government representatives of the British Crown in the 1870s. These solemn nation-to-nation covenants committed the Crown to provide the First Nations with annuities, tools of economic development, schools, and medicine chests (health care) in exchange for First Nations’ willingness to share their traditional territories with incoming settlers being sent there by the young Dominion of Canada.
This analysis will be shaped and informed by the voices of First Nations Elders, who carry with them the knowledge and cultural traditions of their peoples, as well as by First Nations political and economic leaders. These Elders and leaders were key informants in a series of interviews conducted as part of the data collection for this research.
The paper will examine possibilities and examples of using Treaty provisions (and related aspects of Canadian law) for basic income payments, community economic development projects, and guaranteed access to education, health services, and social support for First Nations communities. The paper will explore how the spirit of the Treaties can be translated into practical outcomes in our contemporary context, based on an understanding of Treaties as solemn covenants among the First Nations, the Crown and the Creator. Although they were originally signed approximately 140 years ago, the Treaties are to be respected and observed for “as long as the sun shines and the rivers flow.”
One key issue that will be examined is how First Nations and Canada should share revenue from extraction of natural resources in the spirit of the Treaties. This question has become a contentious political and legal issue in Canada, as the country continues to experience a buoyant economy based on strong demand for its natural resources in the global economy.


[204] he future of Workplace Automation has already arrived, Mr. Nyc Labrets, Munich, Germany
Today, in the year 2012, a ‘Human Worker Free’ Kiva Systems Automated Warehouse in the USA is already as cost-effective to operate as it is to have the lowest paid Chinese Minimum Wage human workers do the same exact work.
On the very other end of the spectrum, IBM’s Watson computer in 2012 is performing the work of Legal Analysts, MBA’s, Doctors and other highly paid Professionals.
For a fraction of the cost.
On a 2 year cycle the Computerized Systems that drive the Automated Workplace increase their performance exponentially, with a commensurate reduction in cost, ie their cost-effectiveness increases 50% every 2 years.
Which means that by the year 2022 there will have been a “Cambrian Explosion of Robotics” in our Global Workplace.
And at a minimum, at least 10% of all jobs that exist today in 2012, (both “White”/“Blue” Collar work), done by humans in our 1st and 3rd Worlds, (+300 million jobs permanently eliminated), will be performed better, and much more cost effectively, than by us humans.
However, on no significant Political/Economic/Social or Cultural current level, are the Nations of our world prepared for this reality.
Drawing from the work of Dr. Martin Luther King’s writings on the ‘Citizen’s Social Dividend’ and using the already proven and successful examples of viable Basic Income Programs in place today in both the American’s decades long “Alaska Permanent Fund” and the Brazilian “Bolsa Familia” (Family Grant) Programs, (which has been The Law in Brazil for approximately a decade now), this Paper will present the idea that not only is it be necessary to implement a Global Universal Unconditional Basic Program, but absolutely IMPERATIVE that we do so.
Or else face the most dire of human consequences the world over.


[205] THE INCOME TRANSFERS POLICIES IN BRAZIL FACING TO RECENT GLOBAL ECONOMIC CRISIS, Márcia Albuquerque, Toledo, Brazil
Since 2008 the global economy incurred a process of crisis, entitled "subprime crisis", which worsened significantly the credit market on a global scale. In this context, the Brazilian economy has resisted the effects of the crisis using a harmonic combination between the execution of countercyclical policies of fiscal and monetary nature, and aimed at promoting the social aspects. The objective of this study is to verify that the income transfer policies contributed to mitigate the effects of recent global crisis on the Brazilian economy. It starts with the hypothesis that even in a scenario of economic crisis it is important that the State continues to provide its citizens, who are in vulnerable situations, access to social rights. The methodology adopted in this paper is the literature search and exploratory. Were used sources of brazilian’s searches. Concludes that among the countercyclical measures performed by the Brazilian government to combat the crisis, the income transfer policies constituted themselves as a sort of "automatic stabilizer" during the period in question.
Keywords: State; Economic crisis; Income Transfers Policies; Automatic stabilizer; Brazil.


[206] Giovanni Perazzoli, Dr., Alkmaar, Netherlands
Basic Income is politically, and hence also economically, beneficial. We need but look at my own country, Italy, to have a clear picture of what is involved. There is no form whatever of minimum guaranteed income in Italy, where, indeed, the vast majority of people are unaware that such a thing exists in Europe. Political parties, trade unions and both right- and left-wing journalists are at pains to keep the real situation under wraps, despite the fact that the European Union has been calling upon Italy to conform to the practice of the rest of the EU since at least 1992. So Italy provides us with a most interesting negative example. It demonstrates to what extent denying income protection can foster economic and political rents, even as it shows how Basic Income could defend society as a whole, not only socially, but also politically. Safeguarding all of society against corruption, and against economic and political exploitation, is the premise for a more dynamic and hence economically stronger society. The euro crisis particularly affects countries, like Italy and Greece, that are altogether without income protection. Thus it is manifest that the crisis cannot be attributed to the welfare state (Northern European countries may, in fact, be the only ones not dramatically affected by the crisis). It is instead a crisis of the ruling classes and the way they are selected. The example of Italy shows that a fair society is one which is free and economically healthy. Philosophically speaking, my argument is that more freedom – even the possibility of choosing between working and not working – makes the economy grow. And economic growth is a type of society.


[207] Universalizing the Universal Declaration (of Human Rights), Mr. Myron Frankman, Outremont, Quebec, Canada
In a chapter titled “Worldwide Real Freedom for All” in my 2004 World Democratic Federalism: Peace and Justice Indivisible. I discussed an unconditional ‘planet-wide citizen’s income’ (PWCI) that would be identical for every man, woman and child to be financed in part by world-level taxes. (Each jurisdiction would, of course, be free to supplement the pwci for its own residents.) In this paper I intend to invoke the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) to make the case for universalizing the commitments expressed there which some now regard as part of international customary law. The principal points on which I intend to focus are:
Article 1. All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Article 2. Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration. . . .
Article 3. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 28. Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized. . . .
I will argue that the nature of 21st century globalization and the attendant environmental crisis urgently requires that we move to global solutions (including a planet-wide basic income) that go well beyond nation-centric approaches to poverty elimination, employment and provision of social services, concentrated wealth and power and sustainability.


[208] The Future of Public Assistance Reform in Japan: Workfare vs. Basic Income?, Hayato Kobayashi, Dr., Kyoto, Japan
The politics of welfare in reconstruction period of the welfare states are characterized by “discourse politics.” In this politics, institutional reforms to react to new social risks are issues, new ideas and discourses about a direction of reform are proposed not only for certain political actors but only voters and interest groups, and broad consensus formation is intended. Therefor the theory of discourse politics is useful to analyze various ideas and discourses about a direction of reform. The purpose of this paper is to disclose a direction of public assistance reform by analyzing the recent debate of it in terms of discourse politics.
In recent years, destabilization of employment and family was increased, and problems of low income, unemployment and poverty became serious in Japan. While the number of public assistance recipients was increased, a debate about public assistance reform became controversial. The debate since 2003 was focused on fundamental reform, and ideas about time limit of 5 years for employable recipients and enhancement of employment assistance service for independence were proposed. Public assistance reform in Japan may be developed in a direction of workfare, because these ideas are influenced by welfare reform in U.S.A.
Alternatively, a debate about public assistance reform is also needed to understand in terms of decentralization, because influence of local governments is increased. Democrat Party, which realized a change of government in 2009, is burdened by low approval ratings and local parties become offensive. Hashimoto won an overwhelming victory in Osaka city mayoral election in 2011. He is a leader in local party, Ishin no Kai in Osaka and his victory leads it to influence governmental affairs. It unfolded an idea of Basic Income in a draft of manifest for next Lower House elections. Welfare politics in Japan seems to be discourse politics.


[210] INCUBATION OF SOLIDARITY ECONOMIC ENTERPRISES: THE EXPERIENCES OF THE INCUBATOR UNITRABALHO-UNIVERSIDADE ESTADUAL DE MARINGÁ-UEM IN PARANÁ STATE-BRAZIL, Mrs. Marguit NEUMANN GONçALVES, MARINGÁ, Brazil
The government agencies have created specific programs allocating funds for projects that foments the creation of opportunities for income generation at least to reduce conflicts arising from unemployment and poverty. Efforts are also being proposed, and academic monitoring of these property developments through the Technological Incubators of Popular Cooperatives and Incubators Network Inter-University Labor Studies and Research. These incubators operating in the rescue of the university's commitment and become a channel and a reference to interact and integrate the process of formation of cooperatives and associations in order to generate employment and income. The experiences of incubation of solidarity economic enterprises involving workers on one side and poor on the other professionals in several areas of knowledge still lack studies. For this, ther research aims to study the Incubator UNITRABALHO of the Universidade Estadual de Maringá, Paraná State, Brazil. The research aims to investigate the impact of the projects that were developed (period 2003-2010) regarding the increase of welfare of workers and their families who work in cooperative ventures in the metropolitan region of Maringá. The methodology used was literature research and exploration, where we used sources produced by the Incubator of UNITRABALHO and other intitutions nationals. It starts with the assumption that the projects developed by the nucleus of the solidarity economy can contribute to promoting the inclusion of productive people in situations of social vulnerability. It is concluded that the development of projects under study led to the improvement of aspects related to the level of income of workers and families participating, the diversification of the public attended (for exemple as women, settlements of landless farmers, young apprentice, handicrafts). Moreover, there was an expansion of public resources directed to solidarity projects.


[211] The evolutionary dimension of base income and its integration in society, Jürgen Greiner
A guaranteed base income should be able to do so much - or so we hear from its supporters. What however is its actual function with respect to human evolution? Does it require retrogression in human development or is it fraught with the potential for allowing mankind to go forward into new uncharted dimensions of humanity?
The workshop would like to define the potential and value of guaranteed base income in terms of evolution and future development on the basis of scientific findings from developmental psychology and economics.
At present, the solutions which are sought after are those which relate to preserving the status quo in our society and to relieving it from the effects those problems deemed at first blush to be most urgent. A vision of what is necessary over the long term has been missing since the recovery period following the last World War. As Europe lay in ruins it was this vision which propelled economic and social development. But once we regained a measure of peace, prosperity and progress, we began to comprehend its cost and wonder whether the game was worth the candle.
Where does a society go once it has achieved relative prosperity? Is more material wealth a worthwhile objective? Does that mean prosperity and abundance for everyone or is there another dimension to be considered? What does the concept of a guaranteed base income for everyone mean in this connection?
Certain guidelines for the introduction of a guaranteed base income can be derived from the findings of developmental psychology whereby such a measure would represent a lasting benefit for society in harmony with the needs of mankind in general.
The workshop participants were confronted with models from developmental psychology, anthropology and economics with which they were expected to be able to plot a believable potential scenario for the future of humankind on the planet. A guaranteed base income is a central dimension of that scenario.
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[212] Ecological basic income – an entry is possible, Ulrich Schachtschneider
An ecological basic income is a basic income financed by taxation of undesired consumption of resources or waste production. The revenue of these ecological fees (e.g. CO2, raw materials, open spaces) will be shared back equally to everyone. In this way every citizen, from baby to the elderly, from rich to poor, will be paid an “eco-bonus”, respectively an “ecological basic income”.
This is about a financing of basic income by taxation of a special type of consumption, which is burdening our environment in a detrimental way, depending on our societal point of view, which runs counter to the goal of sustainable development and a globally just handling of natural resources. The ecological basic income is answering some serious problems of conventional environmental policies, e.g. the dilemma of eco tax: If it’s too small, there will be no impact. If it’s too big, it becomes unsocial. Our proposal will will have the opposite effect. The per-person distribution of this revenue reverses the previous effect of a disproportinately high burden for those of lower income. The higher the eco tax rate, the bigger the reallocation to them. With an ecological basic income we can approach the stagnation currently afflicting both climate protection and saving resources from two directions:Products detrimental to the environment become less attractive and life-style choices less oriented towards consumption become at the same time more popular.
The project also implies a strategic-hegemonic potential. On the one hand it can bring respective supporters of the basic income guarantee and a large segment of the environmental protection movement together. The ecological taxation can be beneficial to both the technically ecological modernization oriented and critics of growth. Moreover it can be introduced in stages parallel to the existing system of social security. Already tomorrow, income from the existing trade emission system could be distributed pro rata to the entire citizenry. In this way at least a limited implementation of the principle could be assured while effecting a shift of burden and constraint of social securing mecanisms within the conventional welfare state and avoiding an abrupt system hopping from existing structures to a society with a guaranteed basic income for all from one day to the next.


[214] Javier Alonso, Dr., Madrid, Spain
The constitutional norms relative to tributary justice and the equitable allocation of the public resources are the axes on which the financial institutes are due to seat; also Basic Income (BI), a public expenditure, has to be in agreement with these norms to be legally valid and so that its establishment is justified politically to progress in the attainment of justice.
The Basic Income, like any other legal institute, has to be object of a judgment of legitimacy according to the principles of financial justice gathered in the Constitution. The set of the effective taxes in a country must be distributed in accordance with the criterion of the economic capacity and in accordance with the principle of progressivity. But the public treasury not only has the hand of the tax to collect what is needed to satisfy the public necessities and to take care of the expenses, but also the hand of the public expenditure that completes the hand of the imposition. It constitutes an incoherence to separate these hands, since the public treasury could destroy with the hand of the public expenditure what it has built with the hand of the public income.
The public expenditure will make an equitable allocation of the public resources only if it makes effective the same the principles of majority, economic capacity, equality, progressivity and the impound prohibition that conditions the justice of the tributary system. If the regulating norms of the BI do not respect these principles, it will fall into unconstitutionality vice, in the same way that a tribute that breaks them could be declared unconstitutional. As long as the BI contributes to make those principles effective, it will be able to be described as “equitable” or “fair” from the constitutional point of view; what will constitute an element conditioner of its political viability.


[219] Exclusion and the Invention of the Poor, Kushanava Choudhury, Dr., Philadelphia, PA, USA
Inequality and deprivation have existed in many societies throughout time but the emergence of the “Poor” as a social category – an aggregate population upon whom government social policy is targeted – emerges at a specific moment in history. As Karl Polanyi explains in the Great Transformation, markets are always produced by states and do not exist naturally and it is with the production of the market in England that the "Poor" emerge as a category. Reading Polanyi on the Poor enables us to see the exclusion of populations as the defining outcome of markets thrust upon societies, and to historize the varied social policies that states have used – often with limited success – to tackle the problem they themselves have unleashed by producing an abstract market.
According to Polanyi, the commodification of land and the expulsion of people from rural habitats in early capitalism produced large numbers of “paupers” excluded from place and occupation. These paupers, who roamed the English countryside unified only by what they lacked, became categorized in the aggregate as a population known as “the poor” and in time the targets of state policies to manage the problem of the poor.
Conventional developmentalist or welfare-statist perceptions consider the “poor” to have always existed as part of society, and in need of protection or uplift by an expanding state. The conventional Marxist view holds that the poor are the product of urban, industrial economic exploitation as later exemplified in the industrial slums in19th century England. Rereading Polanyi shows the limits of both these views. First, instead of being an eternal social category, the Poor as a population emerged at a specific time and place, and as a result of state action, i.e. the state's production of an abstract market in early modern England. Second, while the category of “Poor” is a product of capitalism, it was from the start defined by exclusion not exploitation. These findings have broad implications for the current debate on poverty and basic income because a) they provide a context for what we perceive to be new problems of labor-market exclusion under globalization and b) provide a long view on state actions to address problems of exclusion which states produce.


[222] The Possibility of Basic Income for the“New Public Commons” in Japan: From the standpoint of “Diverse Reciprocity”, Hirano Hiroya, Dr.,Tokyo, Japan
This paper aims at examining the possibility of basic income for “New Public Commons” in Japan, from the standpoint of theories of “diverse reciprocity”, which are proposed as one of new theories concerning reciprocity by Tony Fitzpatrick.
“New Public Commons” is the concept of society where people support one another actively, and it has become popular in Japan since the 2000’s, especially since it was set up as a slogan by the Hatoyama Government. The characteristics promoted by the “New Public Commons” are mutual support and social vibrancy. “New Public Commons” aims at creating such society as everyone should have a place to go and a role to play, and people value the pleasure of helping others. Additionally, they allow economic activity to thrive by generating new markets and services. Finally, people can live better lives in such a society.
In this paper, I will examine possibilities of basic income for creating the “New Public Commons” by introducing it. It is expected there are several implications including not only justification for delivering the unconditional social security at the basic level, but also protecting the “vulnerable” as a full and equal citizen, and enabling multiple options for choosing contents of obligations. In this sense, “New Public Commons” can be a society where diverse reciprocity comes true by introducing basic income. This means that basic income can make “New Public Commons” more successful and fruitful.


[232] The Power to Say No: Freedom, Property, and Basic Income, Karl Widerquist, Doha,Qatar
Under what conditions is an individual free enough to be called a free person? This question uses the word “free” in two different ways. Although we do not have different words for these two meanings of freedom, the distinction is well understood in ordinary English. One common definition of freedom is the absence of impediment, restriction, or interference. I call this “scalar freedom” or “freedom as a continuous variable,” because in this sense freedom is a matter of degree as on a scale or a continuum. Another common definition of freedom is the absence of slavery, detention, or oppression. I call this “status freedom” or “categorical freedom,” because in this sense freedom is a distinct state of being. Although status freedom reflects a common usage that has clear importance for practical politics, few political philosophers have paid much attention to the issue.
This article proposals a theory of status freedom; derives it in relationship to the familiar concept of self-ownership; and argues for its importance. Freedom as Effective Control Self-Ownership (ECSO freedom) as the effective power to accept or refuse active cooperation with other willing people. It is only slightly oversimplified to call it freedom as the power to say no. ECSO freedom relies on the simple, widely acceptable premise that a person who pursues goals she has chosen is free, but a person who is forced by others to pursue someone else’s goals is not. ECSO freedom requires “personal independence,” some unconditional direct access to resources. If others interfere with all attempts a person might make to use natural resources to support themselves, they force her to pursue someone else’s goals.
This presentation examines the economic conditions needed to support ECSO freedom, arguing that it requires an unconditional basic income. In reply to potential objections, this work examines the justice issues of a property rights regime supporting a basic income with resource taxes.


[233] Lessons from the Alaska Model: How the Permanent Fund Dividend provides a Model for Reform Worldwide, Karl Widerquist, Doha,Qatar
Many resource-exporting nations have sovereign wealth funds (SWFs), but only the Alaska Permanent Fund (APF) pays a regular dividend to citizens. They call it the Permanent Fund Dividend (PFD). Every Alaskan citizen-resident has received a small share of the returns to the state’s SWF since 1982. This article argues, using rigorous qualitative analysis of Alaska politics and of the social science literature on the effects of the APF and PFD that there are important lessons that all nations can learn from Alaska’s unique experience.
First, Resource dividends work and they’re popular. Second, a state does not have to be resource rich to have a resource dividend. Third, states have resource dividends because the people took advantage of the opportunity. Therefore, the people must look for opportunities. Fourth, members of the political community must think not only like joint owners of their resources, not only like monopolistic owners of their resources, but also like custodians of their resources for their descendants. Fifth, build a constituency. Sixth, avoid creating enemies. Seventh, a dividend amplifies transparency by using the greed of the many to counter the greed of the few. Eighth, we cannot know that a nation has avoided the resource curse until their resource exports have run out.


[234] The Precarity trap and basic income: the labor market in cognitive biocapitalism, Andrea Fumagalli, Dr., Milano, Italy
Starting from the analysis of the European situation in time of deep crisis, this essay analyses how austerity policy affects labour market governance and the precariat conditions (G. Standing, 2011), with specific attention to the Italian case. We introduce the concept of precarity trap in a broader sense, respect to the usual one (C. Murray, M. Gollmitzer, 2011): first, as that situation in which labour dynamics is characterized by a continuous following of temporary labour contracts; second, as that subjective and psychological situation which can affect labour activity, even if standard, protected, when this situation is perceived as uncertain and unstable. This two different situations are both present in the actual economic context.
They are also the result of the qualitative changes deriving from the pervasive role played by ICT in the modern labour markets. The prevailing individual bargain activity, due to the put to value of individual cognitive-human faculties, has led to the building of new labour relations. From a precarious point of view, we highlight how capital-labour ratio is today characterized by a structural, existential and generalized precarious condition, in which remuneration of labour can vary according to the type of labour activity.
Basic Income proposal is, hence, a challenge and an opportunity to analyse which kind of relationship is nowadays present between precarious condition and labour income.


[235] Bao Bo, Plano, Texas, United States
Jobless statistic hits new record high. One in five young people unemployed. These are the troublesome and heart-wrenching words we hear on the news every day. The end of college education should not equate with the beginning of unemployment for millions of young men and women. In order to ensure that as many people as possible receive the basic income they need for their livelihood and survival, I discuss strategies to overcome poverty for one of the most vulnerable sectors of the population, young men and women between the ages of 18-25. I show how planned, periodic transitions between college education and job training can help them with finding employment after graduation and advocate for a policy of timeshare and mutual monitoring similar to the Grameen Bank. Not only does this strategy aid in helping young people find work, it also has potential positive spillover effects to alleviate the financial burdens placed upon their parents, in order to further ensure basic income for all.
The basic features of this 5 year program are similar to those of the Grameen Bank in that it uses peer pressure to ensure that the student follows through on their commitment. Students are paired with another in a group of ten (five pairs), with either voluntary self-selection or with the help of an agency. One student goes to college fulltime while another works fulltime to gain the necessary job skills they need in an intern or co-op program. The next semester, they rotate positions. The student that goes to school receives tuition help from the one that works. By the following semester, the student that received the funding need to work to help repay the other. On the first semester each is given limited funds from the agency at a low interest rate to guarantee that they are able to go to school. All students in the cohort group of ten monitor each other’s actions to make sure that they follow through and provide joint financial assistance when necessary. Although this program dictates that students finish college education in more than four years, it provides flexibility and a resume that already includes substantial work experiences.
I have discussed this strategy to get input from other students and everyone I have talked to are in favor of it. We must do something now and guarantee that we do not abandon young people to the fate of unemployment!


[236] Basic Income and the Constitutional Principles of Fiscal Justice, Javier Alonso, Dr., Madrid, Spain
The constitutional rules relative to fiscal justice and the equitable allocation of public resources are the axes on which financial institutions should be based on. Basic Income (BI) is a form of public spending and has to agree with these rules to be constitutionally valid. Moreover, the establishment of BI is justified politically only if it contributes to the attainment of fiscal justice.
BI, like any other legal institution, has to be object of a trial for constitutional legitimacy according to the principles of fiscal justice found in a country’s Magna Carta. Taxation must be distributed according to economic capacity and the principle of progressive taxation. However, the Public Treasury should not only collect taxes in a fair way to satisfy the public financial needs, but it must also distribute public spending in a fair way as well. It is not coherent to separate these two roles.
Public spending can only make an equal allocation of public resources if it follows the principles of prohibition of privileges, economic capacity, equality, progressive taxation, and the prohibition of confiscatory taxation that conditions the effectiveness of justice in the taxation system. If the regulations of the BI do not respect these principles, it would be unconstitutional, in the same way that a tax could be declared unconstitutional if it doesn’t respect those principles as well. As long as the BI contributes to making those principles effective, it can be described as “equitable” or “fair” from a constitutional point of view. This would determine if it can be politically viable.


[237] Degrowth with basic income – the radical combination, Jan Otto Andersson, Dr., Turku/Abo, Finland
Basic income and degrowth are both ideas with a great critical potential. They force us to reflect on our views of people and society, on our visions and values. Many of the “truths” related to the industrial society are suddenly watered down and even reversed as soon as we start to take the two concepts seriously. Even if there are moderate versions of both degrowth and basic income that may be integrated into the prevailing ideology, they threaten to undermine the fundamental vision of “the age of high mass consumption”. If the two concepts were connected into a consistent political agenda they could herald a new epoch transforming our work, lives and morals.
The current growth syndrome is supported by three strong and interlinked mechanisms: 1) profit-driven capitalism that links employment to incessant accumulation, 2) status-driven consumerism involving an endless drive for novelty, and 3) international rivalry, trade and finance. To what extent can a basic income curb the strength of these mechanisms or break the interconnection between them?


[239] Democracy, subsistence and emancipation are three concepts which seem on the surface more or less unrelated, Matthias Dilthey
The aim of this workshop is the attempt to determine and to demonstrate the reciprocal dependencies between the welfare state, democracy, subsistence and emancipation. These in turn describe a way forward toward an emancipated and democratic society. The question whether the emancipating aspect of a base guaranteed income (BGI) is merely helpful or unconditionally necessary thereto will be a major topic of investigation by the workshop.
Emancipation originally meant to be freed into self-dependency from the dependency on others both in respect of the rights and duties attendant upon that state but also at the cost of the support and care provided by the previous master be it plantation owner or sovereign.
Now, at the beginning of the 21st century the word emancipation is more commonly understood to mean personal responsibility. And when we talk about personal responsibility we are really talking about the effect of anonymity in the division of labor which has depersonalized the solidarity of the welfare state and taken the reciprocity out of interpersonal responsibility. (taken from “Die Zeit”)
The absence of reciprocal expression of personal responsibility is a defining characteristic of the coldness and hardness of society which is only minimally softened by the demand of „Die Zeit“ on the nanny care of the welfare state to focus less on cutting cost and more on rewarding achievement.
Whosoever fails to heed the politically defined criteria for achievement placed by the welfare state on individual citizens for whatever reason is more than likely to fall through instead of being safely caught up in the social safety-net. In such case, he falls into a lonely and merciless fight for survival – at least where his social integration is concerned. Having to conform to politically defined criteria of achievement and entitlement is however hardly what could be considered personal responsibility, independence or self-sufficiency. Emancipation is only present where limitation is defined either by natural right or by self-control based on insight in the needs and/or rights of others to their own freedom.
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[241] Universal basic income and flat income tax (UBI-FIT): Tax justice, work incentive, economic democracy, Richard Parncutt, Dr.,Graz, Austria
An important aspect of the global financial crisis is the increasing gap between rich and poor – while essential social and environmental projects struggle to find funding. The situation is complex but we need simple solutions that do not require expensive administration and can easily be understood by politicians and voters. For example: (i) increasing wealth and transaction taxes and redistributing proceeds through social services and environmental projects; (ii) closing tax havens and making banking more transparent; (iii) giving lower earners better incentives to work; and (iv) simplifying taxation to reduce rates of evasion and avoidance. A combination of universal basic income UBI (roughly 500 Euros/month) and flat income tax FIT (roughly 40%) would address (iii) and (iv). The combination is effectively progressive (the effective tax rate increases with increasing income). Work incentive would be improved by eliminating welfare traps. Income tax could be paid, and tax deductions claimed, immediately; the transaction would then be closed - a serious blow for the familiar culture of annual attempts to trick the taxation office. The main obstacle to such a reform may simply be conservative thinking on both left and right. People believe that the seemingly endless complexity of welfare and taxation systems is intrinsic. In fact, it is caused by politicians repeatedly wooing target groups. In the end, there is only one important parameter: the rich-poor gap, which is currently far too big to simultaneously optimize quality of life and productivity. Under UBI-FIT, the left could reduce the rich-poor gap by getting political support for more UBI and less FIT. The right would offer the usual resistance but their success would be reduced by the new transparency.


[244] Ralph Boes
Is it possible to implement the guaranteed base income for everyone in stages - 200/400/600 Euro – from the beginning instead of starting with various groups like children, the unemployed and the aged?
- What advantages would that have where appropriate for the people, for the state budget, for political discussion?
- What Problems would arise
- What safeguards could be put in place to prevent staged implementation from becoming a permanent partial arrangement?
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[250] Mr. Borja Barrague, Cantoblanco (Madrid), Spain
Introduction: In recent years, researchers and policy makers around the world have shown increasing interest in building a competitive and innovative society, raising a scientific and political-economic debate on economic production models. In the current context, characterized by the proliferation of transnational corporations and the globalization of economic activity, the economic crisis which began in 2007 has worsened the dysfunction of many Western labor markets. Thus, while almost all of the 70 million iPhones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products Apple sold last year were made overseas, the unemployment rate in the United States is approximately 9%. In Spain it shot up to 23%.
Objectives and Methodology: According to the foregoing, this proposal seeks to discuss the adequacy of traditional social policies (i.e., minimum income protection programs) designed according to organizing principles of Fordist industrial society to address the problems we face today. To do this, the authors focus their analysis on the review of secondary sources, data from European and Spanish statistical agencies (Eurostat and INE), surveys and recently published books and articles.
Results and Discussion: The paper aims to discuss: (i) the impact of the economic crisis on the social situation of the european households, in terms of poverty, unemployment, and inequality; and (ii) whether it is legally possible and socially desirable or not to establish a formal entitlement to a basic income at national level in Spain.


[253] Basic Income – Why and How in Difficult Economic Times: Financing a BI in Ireland, Sean Healy, Dr.,Dublin, Ireland; Brigid Reynolds; Seán Ward; Michelle Murphy
This paper, co-authored by Sean Healy, Brigid Reynolds, Seán Ward and Michelle Murphy will address the challenges presented by the current social, economic and ecological crises. These crises are especially challenging for Ireland which is currently in an IMF/ECB/EC bailout programme.
Poverty is growing, long-term unemployment has reached record levels, domestic demand is being reduced by Government policy and ecological challenges are deepening. The current fiscal parameters are putting the European Social Model under serious threat in Ireland. Democracy itself is being challenged as a General Election in 2011 annihilated the Government (which lost more than three quarters of its seats in parliament) and now its successor has 23% support in the most recent polls.
This paper will argue that a Basic Income system is an essential component of any long-term solution. It will present a detailed proposal for a Basic Income system in Ireland. The full costings will be set out. How these costs are to be financed will also be presented in full detail using the Government’s current Budget as a basis. The paper will show how this particular version of Basic Income is viable, affordable and politically feasible in the context of the current crises. It will build on the extensive work on Basic Income done over the past two decades and more by these four authors.


[257] Andrew Percy, Dr., Scott's valley, USA
Sustainable Economics paper incorporating fully in-kind social service structure. See http://www.standardsoflife.org/sustainable_economics for details.


[258] The guaranteed base income and the social perspective of gainful employment., Karl Reitter
Proceeding from the assumption that unalienated self determined labor is the primary life need of humankind (Marx), the submitted paper takes stock of the promise of the Henry Ford Era as well as in the subsequent Post Ford Era regarding the connection between labor and subsistence. Gainful employment was often monotonous and set within hierarchic organizational structures but promised a stable income, the chance of advancement and social security. This constellation has been obliterated by the neo liberal offensive. Instead of social security the new emphasis is all about self determination and personal responsibility against the backdrop of flexible and permanently rotating structures.
However, the balance after more than two decades of neo liberal agitation is sobering. The promised freedoms have revealed themselves as a form of compulsion to permanent self discipline involving more effort for the same or less income. The transformation of the welfare state to a workfare state with more stringent requirements on qualification and an increase in the age requisite for retirement benefits is supposed to secure the access of the individual to gainful employment for a greater portion of his life. Higher education has been degraded to the status of entry card in the contest for financially interesting jobs. No more, no less.
Statistics show that the increasing divergence of social conditions, the contrast between the average life condition and the social relevance of old and new elite groupings has intensified. The single earner family has become a relic. In summary, there is no serious social perspective that would motivate an individual to position his sphere of activity within existing employment strictures for the average applicant. Yet it is the question of social perspective devolving from employment that needs to be answered. There is no way back to the world of Henry Ford. Full employment and the functioning welfare state are illusionary. The answer can only lie in the guarantee of an unconditional base income for everyone which makes it possible for the individual to work in freedom.
(Translated from German by Dr. Norman W. Cleesattel)


[262] APPORTIONING ECOLOGICAL FOOTPRINT – SYSTEMIC LAND REFORM THROUGH FISCAL MEANS, Alfredo LdeRomaña, Montreal, Canada
Full land-value and resource taxes redistributed as a BasicIncome amount to apportioning ecological footprint: systemic land reform through fiscal means, that allocates to every citizen the monetary equivalent of a plot of land, a share of at-cost (rent-free) fossil fuel energy and resources generally (from carbon sinks to the radioelectric spectrum). Because this reinforces 1)market efficiency, 2)’social’ (redistributory) security and 3)protection of environmental integrity simultaneously, it embodies a key organizing goal of sustainable societies. Besides (Georgist) land value taxes and a universal ‘basic income,’ a variety of policy proposals –‘Contraction and Convergence,’ ‘Cap-and-Dividend,’ standard tax rebates from ‘recycled’ carbon taxes, some aspects of so-called REDDs or tradable energy rations, and shifts in the tax base from wages and profits to resource use– are all constitutive dimensions of an equal apportionment of ecological footprint: the only way that governments, pressed everywhere by social and environmental imperatives, will be politically able to drastically raise carbon prices without penalizing citizens, indeed by consolidating income redistribution and security.
Beyond its embodiment of economic rationality, AEF should be capable of convening meaningful political action: since it is compatible with, and conducive to the goals of, numerous policy movements, incipient official practices, and long-standing ideological heritages. The paper is at once 1)a bird’s-eye view of the concept, and 2)a multi-perspective view of its implications from the standpoint of the sectoral concerns of various social movements, highlighting and thereby facilitating their convergence: BasicIncome promoters, Georgists, environmentalists, economists, visionary statesmen, and more generally Libertarians, Socialists and Communitarians. Beyond their usual differences, all of these policy-oriented movements, actors and political outlooks can coincide in this fiscal measure, summarized in an ‘Open Letter to Next President of the United States’ by way of a political rallying point capable of planting the central concept in mainstream political discourse.


[282] Poverty, human rights and income security in Europe, Wouter van Ginneken, Dr., Divonne-les-Bains, France
This paper aims to show that a human rights approach to poverty and social welfare will have the effect of reducing the conditionality of social protection programmes, and in particular of income transfers.
The paper will start with examining the human rights approach to poverty and social welfare in all their dimensions, and assess the importance of income security in this framework. It will also review some aspects of the social protection floor concept, and examine under what conditions all people, in particular those living in poverty, would be able to claim their socio-economic rights. It will show that such an approach is an effective policy for social protection and social investment, including during times of crisis.
It will then examine trends in current social protection measures in Europe, such as pensions, unemployment and family benefits, as well as minimum incomes, in particular with regard to the conditionality of income transfers. It will distinguish between different forms of conditionality, and assess their relevance as well as their compatibility with human rights principles.
Finally, it will provide some thoughts about the conditions under which a basic income and a rights-based approach to poverty and social welfare could be integrated and strengthened with the context of the current architecture of European welfare states.


[284] Towards a basic income based on the idea of an activity society, Ralf Welter
Implementing an unconditional basic income depends crucially on the question of what benefits society can expect from such a far-reaching reform. The model of the activity society, an idea developed by Hannah Arendt in 1954 in her book Vita activa, will empower people to break the dominance of gainful employment and regard private work and charitable or voluntary activity as areas of equal value. The possibility of basing your lifetime not only on gainful employment but also, depending on your abilities, on carrying out other, non-remunerative activities (like neighbourly help, political and cultural activities, time out for educational pursuits) without having to worry about the opportunity costs. This idea, which KAB Aachen has been refining since 1985, is being increasingly taken up in basic income discussions.
Yet the question remains of whether people in Germany are already prepared to embark on this path. KAB Aachen devised a questionnaire that was completed by 2,134 people (23% response rate) in which the widest possible range of ideas for political reform was evaluated and which asked about future prospects for an activity society. With the academic support of Prof Liane Schirra-Weirich, Professor at the Katholische Hochschule Aachen, extensive analyses were and are being conducted that have shown widespread agreement in their initial results. Thirty-three questions with 159 evaluations currently represent the biggest survey on this topic in German-speaking countries. The initial results show, for example, that 61% are in favour of protecting voluntary and private activity and 83% in favour of implementing equality of gainful employment and charitable/private work. 57% are in favour of introducing a basic income, and in this situation 65% would take on more charitable activities and 26% would cut down on gainful employment. People are giving ever more thought to the realisation that the model of an activity society generates both economic and non-economic gains in prosperity.
In their growth efforts, needed to continue with value creation and so finance the basic income, economic players must recognise the necessary qualitative focus that resides in the full exploitation of intangible human capital. This reorientation to a ‘richer’ society, e.g. as a result of improved children’s education, promotion of urban products, etc., can only succeed if these areas of value creation are acknowledged as being of equal value. Gainful employment, which is for the most part focused on quantitative growth, must be replaced by activity that comprises all accomplishments of our society more comprehensively.


[285] Eco-bonus – financed from incentive taxes, Ludwig Micheler
Eco-bonuses for all, as a per capita repayment based on the principle of the unconditional basic income, can be financed in almost every state from high environmental taxes without overhauling the welfare system. Immediately. Polluters and producers of hazardous substances pay. Ecological behaviour is rewarded financially, enabling everyone to participate in our common resources. Bonuses not just for bankers. If green taxes are raised not just on greenhouse gases (CO2) and atomic energy (= energy basic income) but also incentive taxes on pesticides, chemical fertilisers, genetic engineering, hazardous substances, land consumption and water, the financial repayment to each and every person can part-finance an unconditional basic income in the same amount or ensure its very existence in states without a good welfare system, enabling the involvement of the financial markets. This can also be done all over the country, for both men and women.


[286] Taking, giving and sharing - prospects for basic social security after the end of money?, Dr. Stefan Schneider
At the same time as the debates about the basic income, discourses are gaining in significance revealing a completely different way of dealing with matters connected with vital services. We are talking about social (digital) networks, P2P methods of production, new forms of cooperation. At a material level, a different way of dealing with things is being propagated and tried out: centre stage are not finances, prices and transactions but rather new collaborative ways of dealing with things: we are talking about donating, swapping and jointly using consumer goods. At the level of work, too, a self-determined, networked form of intangible working, possible for everyone, is being debated as a prospect for the working society. The abolition of the monetary economy seems to be the theoretical consequence of these developments: Citizens take what they need and have to bargain together concerning how to produce what is used and needed. An attempt will be made in the talk/contribution to connect the essential aspects of the debate on the basic income, enabling basic social security, with current socioscientific and sociopolitical ideas on the concepts of multitude and commons, along with debates on the opportunities and potential of the digital (global/networking) society. With reference to these three trends, questions will be asked in a utopian perspective about the opportunities, risks and limitations of basic social security after the end of the money.


[287] Alwine Schreiber-Martens
The ‘ecological basic income’ combines income distribution with ecological effectiveness. Using protected natural resources – soil, atmosphere, raw materials – is burdened with costs. The revenue thus generated must in turn be evenly distributed per capita directly to end users. This favours those on relatively low incomes, ensuring cost neutrality for ‘average use’ of natural resources and prompts producers and consumers to change their behaviour.
These costs can be spread through tax collection – ‘green taxes’ on more than just power or energy – or quantitative restriction on use, combined with regular auctions of temporary rights of use. The Kyoto Protocol for emissions of greenhouse gases is an ‘unfinished’ example of the latter. It is incomplete and therefore of little or no effect when not all pollution rights (emission certificates) are auctioned but instead a number are allocated on the basis of current consumption – or waste! – free of charge.
Both options result in costs at the beginning of the production chain, for the producers. Tax collection provides producers with planning certainty, but the auction variant ensures quantity limitation. So the tax is regularly collected over a longish period until the target quantity is reached.
On the one hand, producers pass on rising costs via prices. On the other hand, there is an incentive to convert production to less consumption of resources, greater ease of repair, better reuse. This is because faster conversion provides a competitive edge in the marketplace. But passing costs on in product prices provides end consumers who alter their buying and consuming behaviour with a cost benefit, since the prices of products that use fewer resources come down in relative terms.
Direct redistribution is an expression of everyone’s equal and free entitlement to natural resources. Such redistribution is necessary if the political feasibility of an effective increase or decrease in use is to be ensured. Otherwise, those on low incomes would increasingly be excluded from use.
The measure presented – ‘The user pays, and everyone benefits’ – is a method for making available to everyone the ‘economic advantage’ resulting from the ‘scarcity of goods’. This notion can also be applied to the scarce good that is ‘money’.


[288] Verena Nedden
When invited to take part in Angela Merkel’s dialogue on the future, I devised a tax concept for bringing about an unconditional basic income in Germany: www.gemeinschaftliches-steuersystem.de/Das_gemeinschaftliche_Steuersyste...
The concept is affiliated to Prof Werner’s consumption tax model and would demonstrate how an unconditional basic income can be implemented in Germany in fiscal terms with fair tax collection and fair allocation of expenditure. Across the EU, we come up against legal limits that we have to observe in Germany or can only change within the EU with a majority. But a fair tax system is possible with an unconditional basic income even by affiliation with EU tax legislation if the criteria of a just allocation are observed. If we focus when calculating the amount of the basic income on the domestic German production value at manufacturing prices – thus the value that we are already producing in Germany with our entire workforce including unpaid voluntary and care activities – every German resident could already receive a basic income averaging €888 a month and would also have the necessary and not just existentially necessary healthcare. I regard this concept, based on collecting sales and social consumption tax at a total of 100% on the net amount, instead of as at present wanting to collect exactly 50% from any earnings, as a forward-looking and simplifying – but above all fairer – tax system that is able to respect human dignity and leave it untouched.


[291] The Basics of an Economic Rights Movement, Ernst Kelly, Dr., Calgary, Canada
Various rights movements brought equal rights to many groups across the world. Women’s rights, gay rights, aboriginal rights and other rights have all advanced. Such advances in the human situation did not occur without the help of one organization or one person alone, but with the help of broader movements. Such movements still resonate with people today and their impact continues well beyond the initiation of the movements themselves. Could an economic rights movement be the rights movement of the 21st Century? This presentation addresses this question. It will describe a broad vision and outlines how a movement could point toward a different world, a world that includes a basic income. It is possible that one of the core principles of an economic rights movement includes the right to a basic income. Such movements do not exist in a vacuum and are not sparked by ideas alone. It takes infrastructure, planning, champions, action, and sustained effort. A broad world-wide movement could be the precursor to many jurisdictions adopting basic incomes, one that includes a basic income within the context of broader economic rights.


[293] Basic Income and Minimum Wages - Temporary or Permanent Complements?, Herbert Wilkens, Berlin, Germany
While in many countries compulsory minimum wages have been normal for decades, this is a highly controversial issue in Germany. Trade unions are fighting for it against the employers' side.
For many Basic Income (BI) proponents the topic is simply redundant. Obviously, minimum wages (MW) would only be helpful for those who have a full-time job, whereas BI would have a much wider impact. If BI were achieved, they argue, no MW would be necessary because existential security would be granted for all people.
However, many German BI concepts focus on how to achieve BI. As long as only a partial BI were implemented, particularly a BI below the poverty line, MW would be necessary to secure the existence and participation for those employed in the low-wage sector. Thus, MW are regarded as a temporary bridging tool on the way to a BI society.
However, these views are flawed because they only consider the situation of the individual, not the economy in total. On a macroeconomic level, abstaining from MW would mean wage dumping as well as subsidising employers. The state is not responsible for financing part of the employers' wage bill in the low-wage section. It should be expected from employers that they fully cover the cost of value creation by all of their employees. Labour must be paid according to its performance for the firm. MW make sure that the achievements of all employees are acknowledged appropriately. At a time when social standards are permanently deteriorating, MW introduce an element of stability in labour relations.
Simultaneously, at the macroeconomic level, well-paid jobs are a prerequisite for the viability of any BI financing.
Hence, minimum wages should be introduced not only as a temporary measure but as a permanent element of a society based on Basic Income.


[294] Presentation of the anthology 'Ways to the basic income', Stefan Ziller, Berlin, Germany
Presentation of the anthology and exchange under and with the authors who contributed to the volume on the ways, steps, barriers, conditions for the possibility of a basic income, etc. The big questions on the pathways to Basic Income will be discussed as the following: step-to step approach, pilot projects, change the work ethic or the work ethic argument, BI as part of a more encompassing reform strategy, facilitates a specific form of democracy the introduction of a BI, how to convince people, BI as part of an overarching reform project, (precarious) alliances in favor of a BI, current state of research and need for further research. The book is published by the Berlin educational institute of the Heinrich Böll Foundation.


[296] Steps towards the basic income specific to life stages and groups, Katharina Messinger
There is no country where a basic income can be introduced at a stroke. One strategy that promises success and picks up various Alliance partners and sections of the population on the way to a basic income is the gradual introduction of a basic income. Steps to the basic income specific to stages of life and groups are being discussed in particular. That may be, for example, the introduction of a children’s basic income, an educational allowance independent of parents and income without any repayment obligation, safeguards similar to basic income for time out for acquirements, individually guaranteed and sanction-free minimum social security for the unemployed, and the introduction of basic and guaranteed pensions.
The options for a gradual introduction of a basic income in European and other countries will be discussed in a panel together with basic income protagonists and representatives from Europe (including from Switzerland, Austria, France, Germany and Finland). In doing so, widely varying welfare systems and political configurations will have to be taken into account.


[297] The basic income from an emancipatory perspective, Hardy Krampertz
Meanwhile, the diversity of basic income approaches and models is not easy to overlook, particularly in Europe and Germany. The approaches and models discussed and proposed are extremely diverse in design and effectiveness. Furthermore, the concepts discussed are associated with different sociopolitical conditions and complementary changes in society. Ecological questions, questions concerning dealing with existing social standards, feminist issues, questioning democratisation and redistribution right up to issues of provision of means of production are answered in different ways with basic income concepts.
Together with representatives of social movements and the basic income movement (including from France, Austria, Germany and Switzerland), key points for a basic income are being worked out and discussed from an emancipatory perspective. These key points will also facilitate evaluation of the various basic income concepts. They will continue to form a basis for further public debates on necessary changes in society and for cooperation with other Alliance partners to promote the idea of a basic income.


[299] The eco-bonus as the heart of a citizens’ world climate treaty: global ecological unconditional basic income, Ludwig Micheler
What benefit is social justice to us on a ruined planet? United the power of environmental and social movement!
The plan: An ‘energy basic income’, paid for from the eco-bonus on the account of all earth-dwellers, offsets very high green taxes on greenhouse gases like CO2, methane and nitrous oxide in social terms and makes renewable energy affordable. In the world climate treaty, both the personal emission right for greenhouse gases and the repayment of CO2 taxes must be entrenched as an equal civil right for all.
So the climate treaty will also become a vehicle for the unconditional basic income/BIG idea, providing the opportunity to globally grasp the effectiveness of the unconditional basic income in concrete experience. Money back in order to pay for organic food, green power, solar power, ecological homes. Participating in our atmosphere is a global fundamental right (commons) of all earth-dwellers, not the booty of energy groups, emission traders, bankers and corrupt state elites. Today, if emission certificates are given away by the state to groups to be traded on a power exchange and achieve a price, the costs are billed to us as power consumers in order to make profits. Amounts running into billions. Profiting from air must stop: it is our emission right!
The basic income movement can add momentum here and learn to think globally: How can we time and again bring the eco-bonus, incentive tax (eco balancing incentive tax), energy basic income, cap and dividend, ecological basic income into the debate at conferences like Rio+20, World Social Forum, WEF, UNFCCC COP 18 in Qatar (26 November to 11 December 2012), people’s summits, BRICS summits but also at national/EU level? With 10% of CO2/mineral oil and CO2 at source, a green climate compensation and adaptation foundation can be financed.
The global top layer pays this. It works! It is not high energy prices that are the problem but instead the profit SHARE of the elites. Let us get the compound-interest, vagabond financial market capital back into the money flow: with tax rises for the eco-bonus Money recycling for the ecological mass purchasing power of today’s poor and disadvantaged, for peace on our planet! That’s BIG.


[301] Bruno Galvao, São Paulo, Brazil
This paper will have the goal to present the legal approach to basic income in Brazil. The existence of a Law providing the right of a basic income and the reality in the country – not one people receives a basic income by the Government. The alleged similarity between basic income and the governmental policy named “bolsa familia”. The main objective is to show the incompatibility between them and the danger that will bring upon the discussion of basic income in Brazil in doing so.


[351]Charles Meth, University of Sheffield, United Kingdom
A spectre is haunting Europe (and the rest of the much developed world, plus a few developing countries) – the spectre of democracy. The forces of production have developed to the point where a cashless society in several countries, once pure science fiction, is now a possibility, and before very long, a high probability. Almost entirely unguided and not very well regulated by governments, developments in IT, social and communications media have manufactured an awesome creature. Among the IT community, it has long been recognised that these developments are capable of ushering in forms of authoritarian control, imagined only too well by science fiction writers. If democratic forces are unable to steer the monster, prospects are bleak – between them, the state and capital will reign supreme. Once cash disappears (it is almost gone in Sweden and South Korea), all expenditure will be capable of being monitored – the anonymity guaranteed by money can be made to disappear (this is but one of the frightening bits).
As has been demonstrated over and over in recent times, however, the technology is also capable of being harnessed for the good of society. An example of interest here is the runaway success of M-Pesa, a mobile phone-based payment system, in Kenya.
If democratic control of the relevant IT processes can be asserted, a number of changes that at present are difficult to make, will become possible (or much easier to introduce). Among them is the long-mooted conversion of existing tax systems from a reliance on income and regressive sales or VAT, to progressive consumption taxes.
The literature on consumption taxes is large, every aspect of it having been thoroughly chewed over, with special attention paid to objections likely to be raised by libertarians and right-wingers. Not only is the tax feasible, it was even blessed by Milton Friedman. Although there is some equivocation about the effect on savings (small but positive), the likelihood seems to be that other economic benefits, for example, reductions in transactions costs (a by-product of IT + Consumption Tax), will be substantial.
With reliable accounts of how much the poor (and everyone else) actually consumes, it may be possible to neutralise (or at least reduce) opposition by identifying with precision, those living below politically negotiated minimum acceptable standards. By implementing tax schedules that switch from positive to negative at that point, income poverty can be eliminated, and the slow process of reducing inequality can commence. Infinitely variable rates mean that work incentives will not be blunted by steep tax steps.
Strictly speaking, the benefit proposed here (which could be made to vary month by month as expenditure levels vary) is not a basic income grant. More properly described as a Guaranteed Annual Income – it was suggested (and rejected) in the US as long ago as the 1960s. Even though it is not universal, it will not subject anyone to the indignity of a means test. If income drops below the minimum, the family (or household) will automatically be credited with sufficient income to maintain the agreed standard of living.
In the current conjuncture, it is unlikely that many proposals for universal cash grants financed from the general revenues of the state through a tax clawback, or through more efficient taxation will succeed – resistance to the payment of the additional taxes required to fund a basic income grant has been, and continues to be energetic. As ever, the primary obstacle in most countries is political rather than economic.
The approach considered here is no quick-fix – years, decades maybe, of advocacy are necessary. On the plus side, it is likely to find at least some support in the state – both national treasuries and departments of welfare stand to benefit by the simplification of existing tax and benefit systems (it should be possible to close most loopholes). Opposition (which will frighten many governments) will come from business, the wealthy (and not just those in the top one per cent of the income distribution), free enterprise junkies, lunatic fringe organisations like the Tea Party in the USA, and above all, the criminal economy. To succeed, the BIEN movement may have to broaden the scope of its activism still further to include a focus on the destruction of the barely legal tax havens where the rich, the despotic and criminals alike, hide their ill-gotten gains.


[352] Money for Nothing? How to Pay for a Basic Income Guarantee in Germany, Christian Breuer, Munich, Germany
The main criticism on the concept of a basic income guarantee (BIG) is the question of financing. Studies on the fiscal effects of BIG concepts rely on certain assumptions which influence the analysis. Especially the amount of the BIG, the selected tax tariff and the question of how to compensate recipients of transfers and tax subsidies affect the answer to the question of fiscal feasibility.
This contribution shows that a BIG to the amount of 400,- Euro (plus a free health care insurance) in Germany can be developed self-financing and compatible to economic incentives. A (negative) linear income tax and the abolition of large-scale tax expenditures accomplish the fiscal feasibility of the concept. I outline two options that are of relevance for policy-makers and the discussion about the design of a BIG: First, a connection with a (flat) income tax of 45%, and second, an income tax of 40% in connection with a VAT rate of 25%. Both concepts would have a relatively neutral effect on the general government deficit.


[P27] Art object "Sorting Out Agency", Rita Mascis, Rita Mascis, freelance artist, Munich, Germany
My short biography:
R.M. born in Italy in 1950. I decided to study in Germany, which has become my second home. I studied History of Art and art at the Munich University (LMU) and I work in Munich as a freelance artist. Since war has been getting again very up to date in the westworld I aimed to give form to this political violence.
The art object:
Plexiglas on wood with light writing, 150 x 75 cm, 2011. The art object "Sorting Out Agency" wants to express what is hidden behind the false front of the "Workagency". Through the form of a stele and the black colour this piece of art wants to remind of the destiny and the mourning of the people, who have been destroyed and will be destroyed again by this system. As poverty ist not " destiny ", we have to fight in order to get over this system. The unconditional basic income represents for me the best possibiility of getting over.


Page last modified on 21 September 2012.